Dijital Çağda Ailenin Dönüşümü: Yeni Nesil Bağlar ve Dinamikler

Executive Summary

In recent years, information and communication technologies (ICT) have become a significant factor influencing family structure, particularly challenging the dynamics of family relationships. This study aims to investigate the impact of digitalization, which has emerged through the use of ICT, on family relationships. Specifically, it analyzes how digitalization has altered family dynamics and the effects of these changes on communication, commitment, and conflict among family members. 

As part of the research, the relevant literature was reviewed, practices from different countries were examined, and current debates in the field were traced. Fieldwork involved in-depth interviews with 48 individuals from 16 families across 11 districts in Istanbul.  Interviews were held with both parents and a child, aged 13 to 25, on the same day and at the family’s home. The data collected were analyzed using content analysis, a qualitative data analysis technique. Families were selected through purposive sampling. A preliminary report based on the interviews was evaluated and feedback was gathered during a workshop attended by 30 individuals, including managers, educators, and experts from both the private and public sectors. Additionally, the issue was explored in greater detail during a roundtable meeting that brought together participants from various sectors.

In this context, the results can be summarized as follows: 

Time spent together in the family is gradually decreasing.
The time families spend together has significantly decreased. The intense hours of education and work and the pace of city life limit the time families spend together. Family members, whose time at home and together is limited, often stay online late for work or study, and use social media mostly in the evening.

Parents unfamiliar with digitalization struggle with self-regulation.
Parents generally have less awareness of the positive and negative aspects of the digital world compared to their children. Despite this, they actively use social media as a platform for sharing, especially through Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp status features. However, parents tend to overlook the intensity of their own digital habits, viewing digitalization primarily as an issue affecting their children. This shift in perception alters how children view their parents, leading them to complain that their parents are neglecting their responsibilities and roles.

In parental control strategies, content control lags behind time control. 
Although parents are active users of ICTs, they are generally less knowledgeable than their children about relevant tools, platforms, and content. This lack of digital literacy reduces parents’ awareness of digitalization and prevents them from creating effective control strategies. As a result, it is observed that parents’ control over their children’s digital content is limited, while time-based control is more prevalent. This imbalance hinders parents' ability to fully understand, support, and regulate their children's activities in digital spaces.

As algorithms evolve, social media addiction rises, TV and digital content are increasingly “watched alone”. 
All participants noted that content on both TV and digital platforms is not produced in a way that encourages “family viewing”. Participants expressed concerns about the growing focus on sexuality, violence, behaviors that challenge traditional norms, and the negative portrayal of family relationships. This trend limits the opportunity for parents and children to consume content together, leading to increased individualization and isolation within the household. In addition to those retreating to their own rooms, the number of family members consuming different content on separate devices in the same room is on the rise. Consequently, a significant portion of shared time is spent in the digital world on different content and platforms, reducing the number of common topics available for discussion within the family.

Children are passive on social media and active in gaming and watching TV series.
The areas where parents and children engage with information and technology tools differ significantly. It is observed that as children grow older, they use social media less for “sharing” and tend to remain “followers” rather than active contributors.

“Peer influence” plays a role in both children and parents adopting social media.

Comments like “I got the phone because my friends had one” and “I started using it because my friends were on social media” are common among both children and parents.

Family roles are transforming.

The digital tools available to today’s parents during their childhood were far less widespread, leaving parents without strong models for digital mediation, guidance, or support for their families. They lack both proven examples of good practice and key references from their own upbringing. Family members now face an unprecedented intergenerational gap in communication, awareness, and attitudes. This has led to serious uncertainty for parents, strained relationships with older generations, and confusion about how to approach their children's digital habits. These challenges underscore the need for the development of a new kind of parenting.

Parents’ anxiety about the future is increasing.
While technology use, alongside other challenges faced by parents, seems relatively controllable, it initially appears to fulfill the promise of managing and optimizing children’s futures. However, the complexity, opacity, and constant cycle of change in the digital world undermine this promise. As a result, parents feel increasingly anxious about digitalization, which they believe they can “control for now.” All interviewees noted that today’s digital world is “difficult to manage, serious, and distracting” for both parents and children.

A generation of parents and children is emerging that is dissatisfied with their circumstances, homes, and even what they eat and drink.
Digital content exacerbates dissatisfaction, particularly among children and young people, leading to heightened struggles with body image, family relationships, social integration, and a growing sense of hopelessness about the future.

TV viewing rates are high among families with lower socioeconomic status.
The use of digital tools varies by socioeconomic level and within family members. For example, parents tend to watch television, teenagers use phones, and young children often use tablets. Notably, television viewing rates are significantly higher in low-income households, where TV content is typically consumed as part of “family viewing.” The lack of encryption options and adult content filtering on television reduces parental control, making TV a more “objectionable” digital medium for both children and parents.

New social norms are emerging due to digitalization. 
During the interviews, all parents and children expressed the view that it is “not appropriate” to use phones at the table, indicating that this has become a social/cultural norm. However, this sensitivity towards phone usage does not seem to extend to television. In many households, the TV remains on during dinner, which is often the only time the family gathers together.

Various physical and mental health issues arise from excessive screen exposure in children.
Increased use of digital devices has led to a rise in health problems among children, including back and neck pain, eye strain, attention deficits, headaches, irritability, aggression, and heightened emotional sensitivity, such as excessive crying. Sleep disturbances are more commonly reported among parents. Many parents mentioned that they check their social media accounts or the news before bed as a way to relax and “clear their mind.” The “reflex to check the phone” immediately upon waking is another common behavior noted by most participants.

Parents and children lack sufficient knowledge about their rights, responsibilities, and complaint mechanisms in digital spaces.
Some participants reported experiencing or witnessing others in their social circles being “bullied or pressured” in digital environments. However, it was evident that they lacked clear information on how to address these issues or which complaint mechanisms to use to seek help.

The spread of information and communication technologies creates new types of inequalities in education.
While the expansion of digitalization in education is generally viewed as positive, as it makes physical presence less critical, it also introduces new forms of inequality. For example, parents and children with strong self-control skills regarding digitalization tend to have more trust-based family relationships, whereas the absence of these skills leads to increased tension. This underscores the importance of digital literacy for both parents and children. Moreover, children in households without digital devices or stable internet access face significant barriers to education, an inequality further deepened by the increasing role of digitalization in education.

Communication through information and communication technologies still does not replace the need for face-to-face socialization.
Particularly during the pandemic, children who were “glued to the screen” expressed a strong desire to return to school, have face-to-face interactions with friends, spend time with family, and engage in real-life experiences. While digital tools facilitate learning, knowledge acquisition, and social connection, they do not eliminate the need for in-person engagement. In other words, as digital opportunities grow, so does the need for authentic, real-life interaction. This highlights the importance of “controlled exposure” to digitalization.

Within the framework of these results, recommendations can be listed as follows:

• Digital content that appeals to all age groups, allowing family members to watch together, should be expanded. Additionally, themes in popular programs and series that emphasize “parent-blaming” should be reduced, while content highlighting the importance of family relationships should be developed.
• Television channels that promote social norms, traditions, culture, “spreading goodness,” and the significance of social interaction should be increased and expanded to cater not only to preschool-aged children but also to those aged 0-15 years.
• Efforts to enhance the digital literacy of both parents and children should be prioritized, ensuring they use digital tools and platforms safely and effectively.
• Training programs aimed at improving parents’ self-control over the negative aspects of digitalization should be developed. These programs should be disseminated nationwide with the collaboration of local governments, academia, private sector entities, and civil society organizations.
• Notifications, autoplay features, and targeted ads on social media platforms should be disabled after 8:00 PM for users under the age of 18. To achieve this, specific regulations should be imposed on popular social media platforms such as Instagram, TikTok, Twitter, and Snapchat.
• Internet security and data protection conferences should be organized for educators in all formal and non-formal education centers affiliated with the Ministry of National Education. Additionally, interactive training sessions should be conducted regularly during the school term by guidance and psychological counseling services at both primary and secondary education levels.
• Schools should function as socializing spaces for children, and the number of social and cultural activities they can participate in during extracurricular hours, within the safety and familiarity of their schools, should be increased.
• Dependence on digital resources for compulsory homework, projects, and exams in formal education should be reduced. Teachers should work on expanding the evaluation systems to focus more on “interpreting knowledge” rather than relying solely on digital tools.
• A focus on work-life balance in the labor market should be maintained, and the occurrence of online meetings and tasks assigned to white- and blue-collar employees outside of working hours should be minimized. In this regard, legal regulations can be introduced, and relevant public institutions should prepare brochures to be distributed in workplaces, guiding employers and employees to prioritize work-life balance.
• Parental education programs on digitalization should be interactive. For example, “storytelling” methods can be employed to develop parenting models that address the challenges of digital parenting.
• Publicly funded family and relationship therapy services should be expanded in state hospitals and local government facilities, ensuring these services are accessible to all families regardless of their socioeconomic status.
• A governance mechanism should be established within the Ministry of Family and Social Services, comprising various social actors. This mechanism should prioritize the health of family relationships in the face of digitalization and work on developing proactive short-, medium-, and long-term solutions.
• The governance mechanism should focus on the effects of digitalization on families during “Family Week,” celebrated annually in the second week of May. Specifically, awareness-raising activities should be held to strengthen family bonds, including the creation of impactful slogans and organizing events such as conferences and seminars. Additionally, attention-grabbing digital content should be produced to further highlight these issues.
• Legal regulations should be introduced to prevent the collection of personal data from children under the age of 18 during their internet use without parental consent, as well as to restrict the development of algorithms that exploit such data. The rise of generative artificial intelligence, which can utilize large amounts of internet data without permission, continues to raise significant issues around copyright and intellectual property rights. 

INTRODUCTION

In recent years, interest in and the demand for information and communication technologies (ICT) have been steadily increasing. With the development and widespread adoption of technology, the capabilities of ICT tools have diversified, and the number of devices and platforms, along with their usage levels, has risen globally. As a result, these tools are now accessible to broader age groups, including those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. However, the functions, usage patterns, and impacts of ICT on individuals and society differ at both macro and micro levels. For example, the sociocultural characteristics of countries, their levels of economic prosperity, legal and administrative regulations, and the political and strategic objectives pursued by public actors are all variables that explain the differentiation of digital experiences at the macro level. At the micro level, differences can be observed in relation to sociodemographic variables such as age, gender, ethnicity, religion, occupation, education, and marital status among communities living in the same country or region. Thus, experiences related to ICT—commonly referred to as digitalization—extend beyond individual contexts, emerging as a powerful phenomenon that shapes and reflects societal challenges.

One of the societal problem areas is the family. The effects of digitalization are transforming family structures. Family members use digital tools for various purposes, including collaboration, communication, content sharing, and bonding (Taipale, 2019). The literature emphasizes the importance of the family, often associating it with the private and intimate sphere, as well as viewing it as an essential agent in maintaining societal order. These studies highlight the family’s role in preserving traditions and social stability for its members, depicting it as a societal institution that needs protection from external influences. However, digitalization, an inseparable part of contemporary life, has led to significant changes in the “functioning of the family,” which cannot be ignored (Carvalho, Francisco, Relvas, 2017). One of the changes in family structure is the distribution of roles and responsibilities within the family. Historically, both cultural texts and academic studies have portrayed parents as the protective figures within the family. However, the relationships among the individual, society, and the state, shaped by modernization and the new dynamics introduced by digitalization, are making it increasingly difficult to control parental protection practices and manage the structural transformation of the family. In response to these challenges, various institutions worldwide are conducting studies to “guide” parents and are developing materials in oral, visual, and written formats. Unfortunately, many of these initiatives overlook the micro-level experiences tied to sociocultural differences and focus on criticizing the present based on past myths and idealized narratives rather than effectively addressing the current social realities of families. Instead of utilizing the potential of digital tools to build healthy families, they often vilify them. Digitalization’s “attractive” nature, combined with its widespread availability through diverse tools and platforms, can lead to negative effects on family relationships (Turkle, 2012). For instance, numerous studies highlight that ICTs reduce the time spent on quality family activities and isolate family members, ultimately undermining relationship quality. Lanigan (2009) attributes this issue to a fundamental “uncertainty” surrounding digitalization, noting that it stems from the absence of a sociotechnological model regarding the relationship between family and technology.

On the other hand, it is known that not all experiences with family digitalization result in negative outcomes; in fact, when used appropriately, digital tools can enhance family unity and improve the quality of relationships (Olson & Barnes, 2004). Increasing studies argue that digitalization can extend the amount of time families spend together, strengthen family bonds, and enrich communication (Wang et al., 2015). In this context, Stern and Messer (2009) suggest that with the use of ICTs, families adopt new communication patterns that allow for multitasking, enabling multifaceted results.

In the face of this complex and often multifaceted landscape, parents must keep pace with the rapid changes in the realm of digitalization. However, they often struggle with inconsistent and conflicting advice on how to ensure their children’s safe and beneficial use of the internet. As many scientific studies show, there is a significant need for guidance in this area. As a result of their ICT experiences, parents face issues such as weakened family bonds, loss of roles within the family, deteriorating mental and physical health of their children, declining academic success, and increasing class inequalities and digital divides. Conducting research that explores the root causes of these issues is of utmost importance. It is particularly crucial to investigate the digitalization experiences of parents and children and analyze both the differing and shared dynamics. Therefore, a thorough examination of the relationship between families and ICT, along with an accurate diagnosis of the problem, is essential.

For today’s parents, it is evident that during their own childhood, access to the current digital tools and their widespread availability were not as prevalent. As a result, parents lack a digital mediation role built on proven best practices or grounded in the fundamental references of their own childhoods, and they are unable to provide adequate guidance and support. This situation not only gives rise to new types of parenting needs but also confronts family members with an unprecedented generational gap in communication, awareness, and attitudes. This gap, which has accelerated rapidly due to the societal transformations brought about by digitalization, is evolving into a “generation gap” that negatively impacts many dynamics within the family, particularly communication and interaction. Studies emphasize the need for realistic and effective tools to minimize the factors that adversely affect family communication dynamics and alleviate parental concerns. This need also serves as a crucial justification for developing multidimensional efforts to prevent the family from losing its functions. Furthermore, to support the healthy functioning of digitalization-related transformations, there is a need for proactive, facilitative, and sustainable educational practices and digital content developed based on empirical data.

This research was designed with all these components in mind, focusing on how digitalization affects family relationships and transforms family structures. The study particularly examines the use of digital technological devices by parents and children and discusses the current and potential impacts of this relationship on family communication dynamics. Within this scope, the effects of digitalization on family relationships are analyzed alongside intergenerational interactions and transformations in life practices. The unique aspect of this research lies in its longitudinal design, the representational power of its sample in reflecting the population, and its potential to provide a reference for analyzing how family transformations mirror societal processes. This potential aims to shift the family from being a “target” of the digitally transformed social structure to a “rational actor” capable of responding proactively to changes. The research was also conducted with the intention of being analyzed within the framework of public policy missions through extensive field data to make findings and recommendations based on this analysis. Thus, it aims to create educational and event models and materials that will strengthen family interactions and encourage the conscious use of digital tools by family members. By doing so, the goal is to empower families to take an active role in responding to digitalization-driven transformations and contribute to maintaining social order. The findings of this research will address these needs and lead to the development of policies and practices that enhance communication, sharing, and solidarity within the family, thereby fostering a conscious protective ethos between parents and children.

In line with these aims and objectives, the study systematically, comprehensively, and scientifically reveals the effects of digitalization experiences on families, the smallest structural unit of society. As a result, it becomes possible to understand families’ experiences and expectations regarding the digitalization process. To achieve this, in-depth interviews were conducted with a sample of parents and children from the same households in Istanbul, involving 48 individuals from 16 families. This report, prepared within the scope of the research, provides general evaluations organized into five main sections: introduction, research methodology, international conceptual and regulatory studies, findings, and conclusions and recommendations.

Following the introductory section, which outlines the topic, aims, objectives, and unique aspects of the study, the second section focuses on the theoretical-conceptual framework and relevant regulations concerning families and digitalization. These regulations were developed based on a comprehensive review of both national and international literature on families and digitalization. The third section details the research methodology, explaining the research design, methodological framework, data collection process, tools, analysis, and the sample and working principles of the study group in detail. The fourth section categorizes the field findings within the framework of “family relationship dynamics,” supporting these findings with direct quotes from participants. The aim is to analyze and evaluate the theoretical and conceptual framework alongside the field data obtained. Finally, the fifth section presents a general evaluation in the form of conclusions and recommendations, offering various suggestions based on the findings for family members as well as institutions, organizations, and legal entities.

A LOOK AT “DIGITAL FAMILIES” AROUND THE WORLD

Today, many studies have been conducted to explain the effects of widespread access to information and communication technologies and digitalization on the family. These studies reveal that digital technologies, particularly the internet, have transformed how children and young people live, learn, socialize, communicate, and participate in society across various dimensions. Access tools such as the internet, laptops, tablets, smartphones, social media platforms, messaging applications, and video games are becoming integral to young people's lives worldwide. Consequently, digitalization is reshaping their educational experiences, the ways they form and maintain friendships, how they spend their leisure time, and their social interactions.

Digitalization affects parents just as much as it does children and young people. Although there are fewer studies focused on parents compared to those centered on younger demographics, it is crucial to increase research in this area to explore the multifaceted impacts of digitalization, considering both its positive and negative aspects. In this context, studies on the transformation of parenting are also on the rise, with new explanations emerging around themes such as the digital family and digital parenting. When examining these studies, it becomes apparent that the transformation brought about by digitalization is primarily discussed in terms of new roles and responsibilities within the family. For instance, one of the new responsibilities for parents in the context of using digital tools is to protect themselves and their families from the social risks associated with digitalization. However, this protective role should not interfere with enjoying the positive aspects of digitalization, such as education, communication, and personal development. Thus, the new landscape of parenting prompts serious debates on how to balance effective control mechanisms with equitable access to rights and services.

The digital environment is undergoing a dynamic transformation with the rise of emerging technologies like artificial intelligence, virtual reality, and smart devices. This transformation is directly related to the increase in the spread, diversity, and use of digital tools on a global scale. While the population of users of digital technological devices today is widespread and influenced by sociocultural and sociodemographic variables, it also brings about new problem areas regarding digital equity, or what is sometimes referred to as digital segregation. In this context, the accessibility and impact capacity of ICT tools for all segments of society is a fundamental issue of debate. At the center of this debate is the term “digital divide,” which refers to the gap between regions with full ICT access and those with limited or no access. Originally associated with telephone access, the term has since been applied to internet access, particularly broadband, since the late 1990s. The digital divide is typically addressed comparatively by age, gender, marital status, place of residence (urban-rural), education level, and socioeconomic status in the micro dimension, and by the level of industrial development of countries in the macro dimension. As a result of the impact of these micro and macro variables, the digital divide can manifest among ICT users in terms of device performance, network connection speed, types of network connections, and limited subscription-based content access.

According to research, the digital divide remains a problem area that significantly differentiates the digital lives of individuals, despite the relatively even spread of broadband and ICT access. In this context, for example, household-based surveys conducted in the US from 2019 to 2021 show that while there is no significant change in the share of Americans with broadband internet and smartphones across all income levels, the situation differs regarding the number of devices that enable online access. For instance, only 23% of low-income households, defined as those with a household income of less than $30,000 per year, have broadband services and a smartphone, tablet, or desktop/laptop computer at home. In contrast, nearly six in ten adults (63%) living in households earning $100,000 or more per year reported having all of these technologies. Furthermore, in 13% of low-income households, none of these technologies are accessible, compared to just 1% of high-income households. These rates reveal the importance of users’ socioeconomic variables on their ICT experiences. In addition to issues such as access to digital tools, frequency of use, and device and network connection features, perceptions of digitalization and its role in daily life, as well as its effects on individuals’ social, mental, and physical skills, also differ. On the other hand, this differentiation extends to all areas with which individuals come into contact and paves the way for the transformation of social structures and institutions.

The use of ICT is often coded as “a global threat whose impact is too strong to be prevented” on social structure and order due to traditional institutions and beliefs. The arguments about this threat, centered on the transformative power of digitalization, are also circulated through ICT, leading to a reorganization of the spheres of responsibility among the state, the market, civil society, and individuals. The family, universally recognized as the building block of social order, stands out in the context of its preservation and controlled transformation. Although ICT-related developments and increased access to ICT tools facilitate daily life practices in certain respects, they also present problems within the family context in areas such as membership, roles, rights, responsibilities, communication, relationships, and trust. These problems raise serious concerns for parents seeking to protect their families, as ICT introduces the risk of affecting the quality of family relationships by replacing meaningful relationships in real life (McDaniel, 2015).

It should be noted that the influence of the family is of great importance in the production, transfer, and dissemination of knowledge that enables the integration of individuals into society. In this context, issues such as family relations and communication, the strength of family ties, intergenerational interaction, social capital, and socialization come to the fore, with the concept of “family as a learning center” holding a key position in the approach to creating a healthy individual and society. The family is the smallest unit of society and has significant effects on learning, personality development, and socialization.

To carry out its social functions, the family has various duties and responsibilities. Accordingly, the family institution is burdened with the following duties and responsibilities to ensure continuity and order in the flow of the social division of labor:

• Ensuring social continuity and transmitting cultural values between generations
• Conducting economic activities
• Meeting the material, spiritual, and physiological needs of family members
• Supporting the socialization and life skills of family members

The fulfillment of these duties and responsibilities, built around the concept of family, depends on the structure and course of family relations. Family relationships are shaped by the extent of interaction between members and their mutual communication and roles. Moreover, whether family relations are healthy or not, they play a fundamental role in shaping an individual’s world of meaning. Individuals, as social beings, interact with “others” and “transfer” their world of meaning to others.

The individual, as a being that produces meaning and has the motive to search for meaning from birth, makes sense of the events and new situations he or she encounters by evaluating them at the level in which he or she interacts with them, associating them with others or in light of past experiences (Aydın et al., 2015). The concept of self, which consists of the individual’s activity of making sense of himself or herself and his or her environment, represents “the way of perception” and appears as a fundamental determinant in the socialization process. However, rather than being merely a result, the self is also a “cause” that greatly affects the individual’s behavior in the social sphere. For this reason, the world of meaning and the self are essentially social rather than characteristics of the individual’s inner world.

In order to adapt to changing social conditions, individuals determine their world of meaning and life goals under the influence of knowledge, age, education, social environment, values, beliefs, time, and circumstances. Thus, individuals interpret what is happening in light of the values they have acquired and/or failed to acquire through family learning from early childhood. The methods they develop for understanding shape their self and foster behavior patterns compatible with that self. The reference point of this cycle between meaning, self, and behavior is the family. This special position of the family has inevitably led many studies to refer to it in order to uncover the roots of problems related to social transformation. The centrality of the family in social issues compels us to ask how the family has been affected by the significant digital transformation that the world—and Türkiye in particular—has undergone, and how it has integrated digitalization into its daily life.

With all these components, discussions in the literature on the differentiation of communication between family members have been examined around the theme of the transformation of the family, depending on the variables of social environment, living environment, and education level. The digitalization process, as a “development” that almost completely changes the daily life of the individual, affects the dynamics of family relationships and communication, and thus the family structure, in various ways. In the literature, it is evident that discussions on this issue date back to the Industrial Revolution, which is considered a turning point for technological and social developments. However, until the Industrial Revolution, these opportunities were very limited. This belief is rooted in the progressive ideals of the Enlightenment: an unshakeable trust in man, reason, and experience is being established while everything traditional is being deconstructed.

At this point, it is important to mention C. Wright Mills’ critical approach to “mass society,” which fundamentally addresses the mass media’s total manipulation of individuals. Mills defines the public society, which 19th-century thinkers created with the understanding of liberal democracy, as one “where opinions, views, and thoughts can be expressed, public opinion is formed through open debates, public actions take place effectively—even against an authoritarian system—and the government does not attempt to exert influence on the public and public opinion through covert methods” (Yükselbaba, 2011). Mills, who wrote these lines in the 1950s, asserts that a society in which contact with individuals is so intensified due to the mass media cannot be considered a public society; rather, it is a mass society. According to him, in this society, techniques for opinion production are developed through the mass media, and the status quo—being the owner of all kinds of control, guidance, obstruction, and one-way presentation power—renders the possibility of free and independent discussion and creation impossible.

Mass societies are both a cause and a result of globalization. With globalization, national economies, cultures and borders have become intertwined and a large part of social life has started to be shaped by global actors. Individuals, who are always “here/active” with the impact of developing digitalization and globalization, have transcended the borders of nation states, albeit virtually, and on the other hand, they have become unable to fit within the borders of their own home. At this point, the impact of experiences of using digital tools on communication within the family comes to the fore. 

The family is an integral part of society and naturally depends on the social structure, values and norms of society. Within the framework of this feature, depending on the dimensions of time and space, it is differentiated in terms of both its structure and functioning at macro and micro scales. This has led to changes in the traditional social roles of the family as an institution, and the family has transferred some of these roles, either fully or partially, to other social institutions. Despite this, there is no doubt that the family still maintains its functionality and importance with its many functions, including the continuation of generation and regulation of sexual behavior, cultural transmission, security, social, physiological and psychological care of children, and emotional and spiritual support between individuals. However, the changes that occur in families as a result of social conditions and technological developments have an impact on the generations’ view of life and the meaning they attribute to it. It is precisely at this point that this study focuses on the “generation-learning” binary while examining the transformation of the family within the framework of ICT experiences. 

SPOT: Digital natives is a term used by Prensky to describe the generation that grew up with new technologies and is widely accepted to characterize this generation today. Digital immigrants, on the other hand, is a term also coined by Prensky for individuals who encountered the internet and the web in their twenties or later, who struggle to adapt to the use of digital tools, face difficulties in technology-based learning, and have lower technology literacy compared to digital natives.

Digitalization-family-generation studies seem to be meaningful within the scope of the four issues we mentioned earlier:

• The fundamental determinism of the family as a center of learning and socialization in constructing meaning, self, and behavior,
• The opportunities presented by digitalization despite its inherent risks,
• The mass society created by digitalization,
• The transformative role of the family as a social institution.

At the same time, we believe that the relationship between generations should be considered in order to understand the perceptions and skills that shape the family’s experience of digitalization. In this context, we will highlight two concepts to understand the relationship between parents and their children concerning ICT: digital natives and digital immigrants.

As a result of developments in technology, the widespread use of new media tools, the ease of access to digital environments, and the increase in the number of people accessing these environments have contributed to the creation of a distinct culture within the digital realm. The groups that comprise this process, termed digital culture, are divided into digital natives and digital immigrants. In his study “Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants,” Prensky (2001:20) states that there is a significant difference between the generation that grew up using printed sources and the generation that grew up using the internet, mobile phones, and other digital media tools.

Digital natives is Prensky’s term for the generation that grew up with new technologies and is now widely accepted to characterize this generation. Digital natives are the children of the 21st century who place the virtual world at the center of their lives. They believe that their ability to learn technology is not a necessity of life, but rather a part of it, and they use their own language in virtual environments. Digital natives, who easily adapt to the digital world and are unafraid of making mistakes or disrupting it, use this digital space as they wish, assuming that technological tools can be restarted with a single click and that everything will return to its original state (Rikhye et al., 2009; Bennett et al., 2008). Waycott et al. (2010) list the reasons why digital natives use technology as daily needs, entertainment, socializing, and studying. Digital natives are individuals who seek quick access to information, try to multitask, and prefer learning through exploration. These digital individuals do not hesitate to connect with people they have never met before in virtual environments, view this as natural, and are more courageous than older generations in exchanging information through these platforms (Prensky, 2004). It is noted that digital natives, who desire rapid access to information, prefer environments with high visual density that include entertainment, and find it difficult to focus on a single subject because they wish to engage with multiple topics simultaneously online. Members of this group not only vary structurally and culturally, but also differ in terms of information density, social relationships, security, privacy, creativity, identity, and belonging.

Digital immigrants, on the other hand, are individuals who encountered technology and the internet after adolescence (Prensky, 2008). Entering their twenties or beyond, they face adaptation issues with digital tools, struggle with technology-based learning, and generally possess lower technological literacy compared to digital natives. Digital immigrants face challenges while trying to adapt to technological processes; as a result, they attempt to open themselves up to technological developments, adapt to virtual environments, and become accustomed to using digital language (Rikhye et al., 2009) in order to improve their digital skills. One of the defining characteristics of digital immigrants is their inability to use technological tools as effectively as digital natives. Digital immigrants, who prefer printed materials and linear readings to graphic and hypertextual readings for information, often reveal themselves through the digital language they use, even though they try to adapt well to the digital environments they find themselves in (Prensky, 2004).

In sum, the existence of multidimensional dynamics in the functioning of family relationships is evident. Family members hold specific duties and responsibilities towards each other, with each family having its unique structure, organization, and characteristics. The messages family members send to one another contribute to their feelings of value or worthlessness, safety or insecurity, directly influencing their psychosocial and sociocultural status, functionality, and mental state. Therefore, a healthy individual contributes to a healthy family, and a healthy family, in turn, fosters a healthy society. Key elements in maintaining a healthy family relationship include problem-solving, sharing, defining and fulfilling roles, addressing and managing emotions, and controlling behaviors. In this context, the ways digital tools are used, and the relationships these practices create and/or reshape within the family institution, have a wide-reaching impact. These aspects span roles, perceptions, attitudes, networks, problems, gains, needs, demands, and expectations from the public.

On the international front, UNICEF’s research and reports on artificial intelligence and children’s rights provide essential guidance, particularly for families. In its 2019 report Artificial Intelligence and Children’s Rights, UNICEF focuses on YouTube’s content for children. Although YouTube Kids asserts that it does not develop child-specific advertisements and claims to protect children's data and searches, the report emphasizes that families should remain vigilant and not rely entirely on these assurances. A major point UNICEF raises is the protection of children’s rights in digital spaces, with a special focus on refraining from sharing children’s personal data (UNICEF, 2019).

Examining safe platform and access regulations for parents and children, it is clear that many countries have accelerated efforts in this area. For instance, the UK has introduced regulations to facilitate children’s safe and educational use of the internet. In 2021, legal frameworks were enacted to ensure children's access to reliable online resources. This legislation impacted numerous online platforms, including popular social media and video-sharing platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube, all of which implemented changes to enhance children’s safety. For example, TikTok disabled notifications for children during nighttime hours, Instagram banned targeted ads for users under 18, and YouTube disabled autoplay for younger users. The UK government also set up a hotline called Childline, where parents can seek advice regarding their children’s internet usage (gov.uk, 2020). Additionally, the government introduced heavy fines and sanctions on IT and social media companies to prevent the recommendation of sexually explicit and violent content to children (Singer, 2020).

In the UK, the Online Safety Act serves as a regulation aimed at protecting all family members, particularly children, from harmful digital content. The law imposes sanctions and restrictions on companies like Google and social media platforms, with a predominant focus on children’s safety. Its main objective is to prevent children from accessing online pornography and to shield them from harmful content, such as materials that encourage suicide or substance abuse. A key aspect of this law is its effort to combat dangerous online situations and threats to child safety. The act was revised on January 31, 2024, adding provisions on new cybercrimes, the misuse of intimate images, threats, and harmful digital communications. It now covers digital offenses like harassment, abuse, the sharing of pornography, and the promotion of suicide or harmful behaviors. Moreover, the law extends its criminalization to not only individuals but also to the platforms where harmful content is shared (gov.uk, 2024).

In France, data protection and privacy laws are central to the country’s approach to digital safety, with particular focus on training and awareness programs. Key among these is the Law on the Protection of Children (La Loi pour la Protection des Mineurs sur Internet), designed to safeguard children from online risks. Implemented to prevent exposure to harmful content, cyberbullying, and other dangers, this law became effective on February 19, 2024. It places significant responsibility on parents to protect their children’s digital rights, including restrictions on sharing children’s images without consent. The law also protects children’s identity information online (Mallevaey, 2024). Furthermore, in cases involving breaches of privacy and child pornography, the French legal framework imposes harsh penalties, including prison sentences of 2–5 years and fines ranging from €75,000 to €100,000 (Les Avocats, 2021).

In Italy, there are various legal frameworks in place to ensure children’s online safety and regulate internet use within families. These laws aim to prevent children from accessing harmful content and designate institutions responsible for overseeing their online activities (BIK, 2021; Italian Data Protection Authority, 2021). Italy also maintains strict laws to combat child pornography, including severe penalties for the production, distribution, and access to such material, with the aim of preventing the sexual abuse and exploitation of children.

In Russia, digital guidance programs for families are part of the “Safe Internet” campaign, which focuses on educating both children and parents about internet safety. These programs aim to protect children from online risks and promote responsible internet use (BIK, 2024). Additionally, Russia enforces the Law on the Protection of Children from Information Harmful to Their Health and Development, which bans the distribution of “dangerous” materials to children. These include materials that could incite fear, panic, or terror, or those depicting violence, illegal activities, substance abuse, or self-harm. The law mandates a content rating system for information shared via telecommunications networks (including TV and the internet) and includes a blacklist for websites promoting suicide, illegal drugs, or child pornography. A 2013 amendment further expanded the law to include propaganda promoting “non-traditional sexual relations” as harmful content (en.kremlin.ru, 2011).

In China, public initiatives to ensure safe internet use within families have grown significantly in recent years. One key measure has been the implementation of time restrictions for children in internet cafes (Xinhua News Agency, 2022). Various software and applications are also available to help parents monitor and control their children’s online activities, offering filtering and limiting features (Cheng Yu, China Daily, 2022). In addition, China has organized educational programs and public campaigns to raise awareness about online safety. These initiatives inform children about the risks they may face online and provide guidance to parents and teachers on promoting safer internet practices (CNNIC, 2020).

In Canada, there are various policies and practices to regulate and protect children and families’ use of information and technology. Organizations such as the Canadian Centre for Child Protection (CCCP) and the Canadian Centre for Digital and Media Literacy (MediaSmarts, 2024) provide guidance and support on children’s online safety and offer resources, educational materials and support services for families (CCCP, 2024). In Canada, Safer Internet Day (SID) is celebrated every year in February to draw attention to the issue and raise awareness (SID, 2024). In addition, various legislative efforts are being carried out in Canada to improve the digitalization experiences of children and families. One of these is the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA). PIPEDA sets ground rules for how private sector organizations collect, use and disclose personal information in the course of their for-profit business activities across Canada. 

In the US, the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) is one of the most important pieces of legislation to regulate the use of digital tools by parents and children. COPPA prevents the collection of personal information about children in online services and prohibits the collection of personal information from children under the age of 13 without parental consent (Federal Trade Commission, 2024). The “Children’s Internet Protection Act (CIPA)” aims to protect children from harmful content in schools and libraries by regulating the limits of online access in schools and libraries in the US (CIPA, 2024). Through CIPA, it is aimed to filter and block content that is not suitable for children. 

METHODOLOGY OF THE RESEARCH 

The qualitative research method, widely used in the social sciences, offers a means to conduct in-depth analysis of phenomena. The phenomenological design of qualitative research centers on examining phenomena that we are aware of but do not fully understand in detail (Tekindal & Uğuz Arsu, 2020). To examine these phenomena deeply, a “tourist perspective” is necessary—one that approaches the subject with objectivity and unfamiliarity, fostering an inclusive and comprehensive understanding (Urry, 2009). In this study, the primary focus is how families are affected by digitalization, with data gathered through in-depth interviews regarding the relationship dynamics within families experiencing digitalization.

The study was based on the central question of how digitalization, as an inescapable social reality, influences the transformation of the family, traditionally seen as a private, emotional, and autonomous institution. 

The study was based on the central question of how digitalization, as an “inescapable” social reality, influences the transformation of the family, traditionally seen as a private, emotional, and autonomous institution. Additionally, it explores how digitalization raises concerns for parents regarding agency, values, and tradition, and examines the individual and collective strategies parents develop in response to these concerns. The longitudinal field study was structured around preliminary hypotheses suggesting that digitalization, while presenting risks, demands, and forms of control, is perceived as “opening the door to future success”. It hypothesizes that digitalization exacerbates dilemmas in family dynamics, particularly under the influence of neoliberalization, and becomes a space where parents negotiate their identities, shaped by both past experiences and future aspirations.

Through field research, these hypotheses are analyzed to illuminate both the practical use of digital tools by families and the experiences that shape their perceptions and attitudes. The study aims to evaluate the similarities and differences in these practices and experiences holistically. Moreover, it seeks to go beyond the purely transformative effect of digitalization by discussing the role of families as “agents and threshold keepers” whose collective actions, arising from their use of digital tools, contribute to shaping broader social processes.

In this study, the phenomenological research process is designed to view the family as more than a collection of autonomous individuals, recognizing it instead as an emotional unit. The objective is to understand how digitalization affects the family dynamics and how parents provide guidance in light of their own social and cultural positioning. Since children often struggle to interpret the implicit, culture-based signals that guide parental behavior, they require consistent and comprehensible support in navigating digitalization. The guidance parents provide will naturally be shaped by their unique circumstances and perspectives. To explore these dynamics, the following sub-questions were developed:

• What roles does digitalization play in shaping social consciousness, collective thought, and actions within families?
• What additional meanings do families attribute to their approach toward digitalization, and how do these influence family interactions?
• What is the relationship between parents’ perceptions and attitudes towards digital tools, and how do these perceptions shape family dynamics?
• How do digital technologies characterize parenting in the context of late modernity, particularly in how parents balance tradition and modernity?
• How do cultural values and traditions influence individuals’ emotions, thoughts, and ways of expressing themselves in digital contexts?
• What is the correlation between the use of digital tools and existing social inequalities? Does the increasing reliance on technology reinforce these inequalities, or does it offer solutions?
• What social-cultural factors influence digital skills, and how do these factors create disparities in the use of digital tools across different families?
• What is the relationship between the opportunities and risks presented by digital tools and families’ digital competencies? How do parents perceive these opportunities and risks?
• Do educational platforms reinforce the digital divide between social strata? Or do families see open-access digital platforms as a means to address educational inequalities and bridge gaps in opportunity?

3.1. Data Collection Process
The research was conducted between January 24 and March 6, 2024, with all necessary ethical precautions taken to ensure the integrity of the fieldwork. Prior to the commencement of the study, researchers received training that emphasized maintaining ethical standards throughout the process, and an “Implementation Guide for Field Researchers” was created to reinforce this commitment. Researchers were instructed to avoid any attitudes or behaviors that might undermine these principles. Before each interview, family members were informed about the nature of the research, and their informed consent was obtained. Consent was sought for both the research itself and the use of audio recordings during the interviews. This was done both verbally and in writing through the “Voluntary Consent Form”, ensuring participants were fully aware of the process and that their information would be kept confidential. One signed copy of the form was retained by the participant. The Voluntary Consent Form also explained that the research was longitudinal, meaning follow-up interviews would be conducted two years after the initial data collection. Participants were asked to confirm their willingness to participate in these follow-up interviews by marking the relevant option in the form if they agreed. Efforts were made to ensure that all family members were present during the consent process. Once the consent of the entire family was obtained, the interviews proceeded. Researchers conducted simultaneous interviews with the mother, father, and child, each in separate rooms, to gather individual perspectives in a confidential setting.

The researchers did not interrupt participants during the interviews, nor did they intervene in the opinions expressed by the family members. They waited until each participant provided a response that met a certain level of satisfaction and did not stop the audio recordings. Although the study did not adopt an ethnographic design, a sample “Observation Form” was developed, and the researchers were instructed to take notes during the interviews.

Four key limitations emerged during the research. First, a significant portion of the families who were offered the opportunity to participate declined the interviews. While it was anticipated that families might approach the invitations cautiously due to the private nature of family life, the primary reason for refusals was unexpected: many families cited that they only spend 3-4 hours together per day. This limited time together made it difficult to participate in interviews. During the data collection phase, appointments were typically requested for the evenings (after 17:00), to accommodate the participants’ work and school schedules. However, these requests were often declined, with families explaining, “we cannot be together at home until late hours”. Since families have limited time together, the interviews were ultimately conducted during the evenings on weekdays or on weekends, times when family members are typically home together.

Another significant limitation of the research was the hesitancy of fathers regarding participation in the interviews. In the families approached, fathers exhibited more reluctance than mothers and children, particularly at the outset. This hesitation was largely overcome through the persistence of the mothers, who encouraged their participation. Interestingly, once the interviews commenced, it was noted that many fathers adapted to the process quite well, with some even commenting that they had “nothing to be afraid of” after the interview, leading to productive conversations.

Additionally, while the research design aimed to include both nuclear and extended families to capture diverse family structures, it proved extremely difficult to locate extended family types living in Istanbul. The only extended family interviewed during the study was a household in Kağıthane that included a grandmother. The scarcity of extended families limited this aspect of the research and reduced the range of family structures analyzed.

Another notable limitation was the concern for privacy expressed by many families. Families were apprehensive about their personal information being disclosed during or after the research process. To address these concerns, participants were thoroughly informed about the nature and scope of the questions beforehand. They were also reassured that they would not be pressured to answer any questions that made them uncomfortable, thereby helping to build trust and encourage openness during the interviews.

3.2. Data Collection Tool
In this research, two semi-structured questionnaires were used as data collection tools, specifically designed for parents and children. These questionnaires were developed following a comprehensive interdisciplinary review of both domestic and foreign literature, incorporating findings from a pilot study and initial field observations. Additionally, the questionnaires were refined based on feedback from two expert evaluations before the interviews commenced. The semi-structured nature of the questionnaires allowed for flexibility in line with the goals of qualitative research, enabling interviewers to explore various dimensions of the participants’ responses. At the same time, having a pre-determined framework facilitated data analysis, ensuring that responses could be systematically categorized and analyzed. The questions were organized under thematic categories that reflected the core focus of the study: exploring the details of how families use digital tools, the relationships and roles shaped or reshaped by digitalization, as well as perceptions, attitudes, networks, challenges, achievements, needs, demands, and public expectations related to these practices. This report focuses on findings related to the theme of domestic relations, which were derived from the data collection process. Other findings from the study will be presented by Institute Social in separate, thematic publications to provide more in-depth analyses on the diverse aspects of digitalization’s impact on family dynamics.

3.3. Study Group

To investigate the effects of digitalization on the transformation of intra-family relations and the associated problem areas, participants were selected using maximum variation sampling, a purposive sampling method. This method was based on a combination of household size, place of residence (district), and other sociodemographic factors such as age, gender, marital status, education level, occupation, income level, type of housing, and family life cycle characteristics. The sampling process followed a four-stage approach. The sampling unit for the first stage was the province of Istanbul, which constituted the geographical focus of the study. In the second stage, districts in Istanbul were stratified by their socioeconomic development levels, using the District SEGE-2022 survey prepared by the Ministry of Industry and Technology. This survey outlines the socioeconomic development levels of districts in Istanbul. Districts were categorized as high, middle, or low in terms of socioeconomic status. The study selected 11 districts across these categories using a convenience sampling method. The following districts were chosen for inclusion: Ataşehir, Bakırköy, Kadıköy, Sarıyer, Büyükçekmece, Çekmeköy, Kağıthane, Ümraniye, Üsküdar, Arnavutköy, Sultanbeyli. The sampling unit at the third stage was households. The study focused on families with 3 to 7 members who lived together in the selected districts. Households included in the sample had to meet specific criteria: families must have parents living together in Istanbul; families must have at least one child aged 13-25; families must represent a range of income groups (lower, middle, and upper). In the final stage, data were gathered from a total of 3 members from each family, which included both parents and one child. The data collection process employed in-depth interviews, a qualitative research method, to capture the nuances of their digitalization experiences. 

Table 1: Parent Participants

Interviews were conducted with 16 families, with each family represented by the mother, father, and child. This resulted in a total of 48 participants, with 32 parents (16 mothers and 16 fathers) and 16 children being interviewed.

The table above shows the demographic information and internet use of the parent participants. 

The parents were selected from a range of districts in Istanbul, which represented different socioeconomic backgrounds and occupational groups.

The children interviewed were between the ages of 13 and 25. Among the 16 child participants, 10 were girls and 6 were boys.

Table 2: Child Participants

In addition to in-depth interviews, a focus group interview was also conducted to enhance data diversity. The focus group brought together experts from various fields and professions. The participants included 11 individuals, of which 2 were men and 9 were women. Their professional backgrounds varied, including lawyers, computer engineers, information and communication technologies authority experts, sociologists, psychologists, social media influencers, play therapists, teachers, writers, school principals, and academicians.

As the final step before writing the report, a workshop was organized to present the preliminary findings of the research. This workshop gathered academics, writers, psychologists, sociologists, engineers, and individuals working in children’s media. During the workshop, the preliminary findings were discussed, focusing on the impact of technology on children, the crucial aspects of our relationship with technology, the importance of spending time with family, the sense of deprivation caused by social media, the rise of individualization, and conflicts between generations.

Table 3: Focus Group Participant List

Table 4: Workshop Participant List

In addition to in-depth interviews, a focus group interview was also conducted to enhance data diversity. The focus group brought together experts from various fields and professions. The participants included 11 individuals, of which 2 were men and 9 were women. Their professional backgrounds varied, including lawyers, computer engineers, information and communication technologies authority experts, sociologists, psychologists, social media influencers, play therapists, teachers, writers, school principals, and academicians.

3.4. Data Analysis
For data analysis purposes, voice recordings were taken with the participants’ permission and transcribed. Content analysis was conducted on the prepared data. In content analysis, based on the model developed by Strauss and Corbin (1990), the following stages were implemented: (i) coding, (ii) thematization, (iii) organizing the data according to codes and themes, (iv) interpreting the findings, and (v) reporting. The first stage of data analysis was based on the conceptual structure developed through the literature. However, new codes that emerged during coding were added to the existing list, or changes were made to the old codes. In the interpretation phase, the data were described and interpreted according to the emerging codes and themes. The relationships between the findings were identified, and a cause-and-effect relationship was established between them. In this report, in addition to the descriptions, the participants’ statements were also elaborated upon with reference to existing literature.

FINDINGS: DIGITAL CHALLENGES, RISKS, AND OPPORTUNITIES IN FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

The findings from our field research, which examined the impact of digitalization on family relationships, are categorized into three key themes: challenges, risks, and opportunities. Within this framework, eleven subheadings were explored: the inability to spend time together as a family, lack of self-regulation in parents’ use of technology, uncertainties in parental control strategies, examples of successful control strategies, anxious parents, the transformation of roles within the family, tensions, digital inequalities, digital rights and responsibilities, and the opportunities presented by digitalization.

The research revealed that significant transformations have occurred within families due to generational differences. However, despite these changes, the family continues to serve as a “safe harbor” for individuals.

Overall, the findings indicate that parents’ use of social media and the internet is extensive. It was observed that all families, except one, had fixed internet access at home. This particular family, part of the lower-income group, reflects the challenges of internet accessibility. Additionally, mobile internet is widely used, with only two participants mentioning that they do not use mobile internet frequently. Both of these participants were women who had fixed internet access at home, indicating that their internet use was mostly confined to the household. It was also noted that participants who do not use mobile internet or lack fixed internet access belonged to the lower-income group.

When examining parents’ social media use, only four participants were found not to use social media. However, one of these four provided responses indicating some social media use despite initially stating otherwise, reducing the actual number of non-users to three. The amount of time participants spent on social media varied, with evenings being the most common time for usage. Additionally, participants often viewed their “free time” as an opportunity to engage with social media.

Overall, it can be stated that fixed internet access is common in households, and mobile internet use is widespread, with only one participant stating that they do not use mobile internet. Social media use is also prevalent, with only one child participant indicating no social media use. Most child participants reported spending time on social media during the evening, showing usage patterns similar to those of their parents.

SPOT: The fast pace of city life, “social life compressed into weekends”, and busy school and work schedules significantly interrupt the time families spend together. The majority of the participants talked about the “hustle and bustle” of daily life and stated that they have less and less family time.

4.1. Spending Time Together

The fast pace of urban life, “weekend-compressed social life,” and long school and work hours significantly disrupt the time families spend together. The majority of participants lamented the “chaos” of daily life, expressing that they have progressively less family time. This became a significant limitation during the data collection, as more than 40 out of approximately 70 families approached for interviews responded negatively, stating, “We are never all at home at the same time.”

“It’s hard. I do off-road driving, so we go to villages, you know, in Anatolia. People live a certain way. They set their schedule to the sound of the call to prayer. They wake up, sleep, and live as they want. They have time, but in a place like Istanbul, where I have two jobs and my son’s training as a third, we don’t even realize how life passes us by. We’re missing out on life in this fast-paced lifestyle…” [B1_50]

In the 16 families interviewed, “digitalization” was identified as another major factor reducing time spent together. White- and blue-collar parents were often connected to their workplaces online late into the night, while some children continued their education in the evening using digital tools. Many participants emphasized how this phenomenon became more prominent during the pandemic when homes turned into offices and schools, with everyone retreating to their own rooms to focus on different activities.

“When my eldest daughter was preparing for university, we were all in separate rooms. It was during the pandemic. My husband and I worked in the living room. My younger daughter was in her room, and my eldest daughter was in hers. Everyone was working in their own space. Sometimes the doorbell would ring, but no one would answer because everyone was online. We kind of locked ourselves into those screens. Honestly, that habit has stuck around. It’s like flexible working, but not really.” [A3_47]

Additionally, the most intense consumption of digital content by both parents and children occurred in the evening—the only time of day when the whole family was at home together. Many participants reported that social media usage peaked during the evening, a time when the family gathered at home. Social media consumption, which had become a habit amid the hustle and bustle of daily life, also evolved into a designated “special time” for individuals. This trend, which occurs when the family is together, poses the risk of reducing the quality of family communication and creating tension in relationships while also reflecting the growing significance of social media in people’s lives.

“When I’m out, I don’t use it much. Especially when I’m with friends, I don’t look at my phone much. I don’t really reach for it during class or at school either, honestly. I’m usually too busy, but every now and then, I’ll check for notifications or something. If I’m at home, though, I do use it.” [C4_21]

“In the past, work would start and end when you got home, but now it continues into the night, taking away from our time. Naturally, it really strains our family relationships. A lot. For instance, he’ll rush through dinner, and 30 minutes later, I see him on a Zoom call, chatting away. It’s as if they’re back at the office, happy to be there.” [A10_50]

Another participant noted how the arrival of a television during the pandemic shifted family dynamics, leading everyone to retreat into their own spaces. Previously, they had enjoyed more interactive, shared family time, which had significantly decreased after the introduction of the television.

“But we observed that during the pandemic, without the television, my father would play games with the kids. None of us had any tech devices except my father, but we’d play games together. I’d play with my dad, throwing marbles and chatting. But when the television arrived, everyone retreated to their own corners. Now, no one really interacts with each other. We still play occasionally, but during the pandemic, we were always playing and joking with one another. Technology takes up such a large part of our lives, and we don’t even realize it.” [C5_16]

Similarly, three other participants mentioned that their relationship with the television intensified during the pandemic. One participant shared that they began watching television early in the morning on their psychologist’s recommendation to cope with insomnia [A3_47]. Two other parents explained that they purchased a television to prevent their children from feeling deprived. However, they noted that this weakened their control strategies and led to less time spent together as a family, with their children “losing control” over their viewing habits.

“We didn’t have a TV three years ago. But we got one after a psychologist suggested it for my son, saying that he felt a sense of deprivation and that it might be good to have one at home. Even now, we still wonder if we made the right decision... To be honest, the goal was to spend time together without being dependent on something like that. We used to offer them something, whether it was a computer or cartoons, but it was content I had control over.” [B2_46]

“We didn’t like how much the kids were watching TV, but on the other hand, they were feeling deprived. They’d go to the neighbors to watch TV. So, we got one to avoid the ‘they have it, we don’t’ situation, but things really got out of hand.” [A2_42]

Despite the fast pace of daily life and the influence of digitalization, meal times are seen by participants as a valuable opportunity to come together as a family and engage in conversation. All participants expressed that it was “inappropriate” to use phones at the dinner table, viewing it as a cultural norm. The act of using phones during dinner was widely seen as a factor that weakens family bonds.

“I don’t think it’s right to use phones at the table. Other times are fine, but not during family meals. I see it as disrespectful. That’s how I was raised, but I also believe it’s the right thing. Some things shouldn’t change.” [C6_17]

“We eat together as a family. My husband also pays attention to this. Everyone waits for each other, and then we sit down at the table as a family. We eat, we talk if we want to, argue if we need to. But no one touches their phones. If they did, what’s the point of the table? The point of the table is to connect, to bond.” [B15_50]

However, this sensitivity toward phone use at the table does not seem to extend to television. In households with lower socioeconomic levels, the television often remains on during dinner, with news, TV shows, or sports serving as a “companion” to family conversations.

“We sit at a floor table, my husband and I. It’s a tradition. The TV is always on. I’ll be watching ‘Ben Bu Cihana Sığmazam.’ During the news, I’m out taking the trash. We watch whatever’s on. Even if we don’t watch it closely, it’s always on in the background, like a companion.” [B7_43]

“Even if we don’t watch TV while eating, it’s usually on. Sometimes, if we’re not talking, we end up watching it. Maybe sometimes we don’t talk because the TV’s on. I don’t know.” [A8_45]

4.2. Parental Self-Control: “Where Do I Stand in the Digital World?”

In this study, parents represent the “digital immigrants,” while children are seen as the “digital natives.” In other words, parents are generally less familiar with the digital world than their children. Many parents admitted they were “barely catching up” [M1_Lawyer] with both the positives and negatives of this new world and lacked the depth of knowledge that their children possessed. Even among the four parents who reported having experience with Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and artificial intelligence, and actively using them in their professional or academic lives, two expressed confusion about how to establish “correct and effective self-control.” Overall, all parents indicated, in various ways, that they struggled with a significant amount of “confusion” regarding how to manage their own digital usage. It appears that parents, more so than their children, face considerable challenges in adapting to the digital world, often experiencing a more difficult adjustment period. Some participants pointed out that one reason for this struggle is the lack of generational knowledge transfer. For instance, one mother explained her inability to control this new world by stating, “we didn’t learn it from our elders”:

“Honestly, I don’t know how to deal with it (showing her phone). When I think back to my childhood, everything seemed easier. We just did whatever we saw our parents do. They learned it from their parents too... But now, it’s different. We don’t know what to do either. We never saw it from our elders. Now we can’t put the phone down. Who can we ask? Our parents don’t know. We didn’t see it. We’ve become worse than children. At least they use it for school, so it’s useful, but I feel like I’m wasting more time on it.” [A7_45]

Some parents were found to use social media extensively, with 28 parents having memberships on multiple platforms. In fact, parents were often more likely than their children to share content on social media. While children primarily used social media to follow others, stay connected with close friends, and keep up with current events, parents used it more for sharing personal content and exchanging personal updates.

“I use it a lot. I check all sorts of content on there. Wait a minute, you know how iPhones show screen time? My daily average is between 8 and 9 hours.” [A10_50]

However, parents often view digitalization as a problem belonging only to their children, ignoring their own prolonged screen times. This leads parents to “blame” their children, which in turn alters the way children perceive their parents. Consequently, children complain about the lack of attention from their parents, feeling that their parents are not acting in an age-appropriate manner. For example, one of the child participants explained that he had serious tensions with his parents over this issue, feeling misunderstood and even estranged from his family:

“I think that parents who complain about their children need to look at themselves first. And I think parents tend to overlook their own mistakes. Maybe this is a general thing, but if I talk about my own family, let’s say I want to spend time together, and I ask my parents, ‘Dad, Mom, can you put your phones down for a bit?’ They immediately go into defense mode, saying things like ‘I’m using it for work, dear. I’m not just browsing social media like you...’ But I can see that they’re on Twitter at that moment. I don’t know, but I think they just can’t admit it. In fact, I think my mom and dad use their phones more than I do. But when I point it out, they take it as me being spoiled and react immediately. So now I don’t even want to talk to them about it anymore. I feel like they don’t understand me. I’m just a kid and I’m guilty, that’s it. Even when they tell me off, I don’t respond because I’m so tired of it. Talking less is better.” [C10_17]

4.3. Parental Control Strategies: “So What Do We Do?”

The research reveals that, although parents are active users of ICT, they are not as knowledgeable as their children about the tools, platforms, and content. This finding aligns with the concept of digital immigrants, highlighting that parents often feel disconnected from the rapidly evolving digital world. Moreover, parents' limited digital awareness and skills are significant barriers to implementing effective control strategies for their children. One of the most striking findings from the study is the prevalent concern among parents about the potential negative impact of social media on their children's character and moral development. In response to these concerns, various direct or indirect disciplining methods were observed, such as turning off the internet, hiding devices, setting passwords, using child filters, limiting data packages, and banning phone usage during study hours.

When examining the control mechanisms employed by parents, a significant portion of participants, particularly those with children still in school, indicated that they implement various strategies to regulate their children’s digital usage. Some parents see this as a natural part of their responsibilities, but they believe such measures are sustainable only until their children finish high school. A key concern for parents is that managing their children's digital engagement has become a source of stress, both within the household and personally. For instance, one participant described how this new responsibility associated with digitalization has become a burden for families, creating tension at home:

“How long can you monitor the kids? It’s weird too. Once they go to college, you can’t say anything anymore. You protect them until then, or it’s tough. It’s hard for us too, not just the kids. It feels like a weight on our shoulders when you think about it. But you can’t just let them loose either. We hear about what happens, the things that happen to little kids, God forbid. Then come the fights, fights…” [A14_48]

Another key finding of this study is that parents focus more on controlling the time their children spend on digital platforms than the content they consume. Despite expressing serious concerns about the nature of content available on both television and social media, many parents primarily focus on limiting screen time rather than monitoring the content itself. This approach hinders parents’ efforts to understand and regulate their children’s digital activities fully. This approach hinders parents’ efforts to fully understand and regulate their children’s digital activities. While parents voice concerns about the harmful content their children might encounter, there is a noticeable lack of content control—emerging as a significant finding of this study.

“There’s really nothing worth watching. What they show is problematic on so many levels. There’s so much violence, so much sex, homosexuality, it’s all so harsh, what they let us watch. It’s the same for families. It’s always about dysfunctional families, like what’s with that? Have you seen ‘The Scent of the Chest’? Let me tell you, it’s crazy. There’s a girl running off with her mother’s, God forgive me, stepfather. Then there’s all the cheating going on, nonstop. Like, what’s the connection? But credit to them for writing this stuff, and we end up watching it too. We don’t watch it together though; the kids are on their phones while we’re watching TV.” [A11_53]

“He’s allowed 2 hours a day. Then I tell him to do his homework. We don’t want him to spend more than 2 hours on it, his teacher says the same thing. When he gets his hands on the tablet or his mother’s phone, he watches something on YouTube. I hardly ever check what he’s watching, but I make sure he doesn’t go over the time limit. His mom especially reminds him about that, and we have an understanding.” [B12_50]

4.4. Is a Digital Contract Possible between Family Members?: Good Examples 

One of the key findings of this study is that in families with positive and healthy relationships, the use of technology does not become problematic. However, in families where warm and close relationships are lacking, technology use tends to become an issue. The ability of families to build healthy relationships relies heavily on open communication channels. In this context, some parents exhibit a more conscious, long-term approach by collaboratively establishing rules with their children to manage digital usage, creating a shared, co-managed control mechanism that helps to reduce tension.

“With both the younger and the older one, thank God, we haven’t had any issues. I think we set up and managed the process correctly from the beginning. When we saw that they were spending too much time playing [on devices], we gathered them and said, ‘Look, we need to set some limits regarding this.’ There are programs, permissions, etc. I said, let’s set the rules together. We established the rules together. So now, for example, it’s 2 hours on weekdays and 4 hours on weekends. If it’s a holiday, we exceed that. We look at what they are using it [digital tools] for together.” [B13_41]

Another participant mentioned how both at school and at home, they use the opportunities technology provides as a parental control strategy. This parent explained that making decisions together with their children reinforces trust, allowing them to manage potential digital-related tensions more smoothly. The findings indicate that parents who are more digitally competent experience fewer tensions in this regard:

“Every child has a laptop with a stylus starting from 5th grade. We tell them, and they get it. But these are controllable laptops. They can’t access unauthorized areas in school, and all opening and closing are under our control. In the evenings, they use them for educational purposes. We don’t use iPads for this; we use Windows computers, so the children use them more for educational purposes. But everyone can use their phone for whatever they want at home. Thankfully, our kids didn’t go overboard with that. I discussed screen time with them. We made decisions together about how much time they could spend on it each day. When I check sometimes, I see they haven’t exceeded the limit. When they want to extend the time, they have to send me a request. For example, they press a button and send 15 minutes or half an hour. Or if they want to download a program, it’s permission-based. For my older one, I have access to her Instagram, so I see her messages, etc. This is something she wants, and I really like that. Because we discussed everything upfront.” [A13_36]

Another participant shared how their child had an “inappropriate” social media experience. Despite the challenge of managing the situation, they emphasized understanding rather than criticizing, which helped maintain trust between the child and the parents. This approach—focusing on understanding rather than punishment—strengthened the relationship between parent and child and created an environment where responsibilities are acknowledged and outcomes are understood.

“For example, one day she made a call. She called a number she shouldn’t have. I’m not sure about the details, but it was probably something inappropriate. Somehow we found out, and we wanted to talk to her about it. She was really embarrassed. But we approached it in a way that wouldn’t harm her. We didn’t say, ‘What did you do?’ or scold her. I think she was surprised by our reaction because the event had already happened, so there was no point in getting angry. We told her that these accounts would hurt her when she created them. Our concern isn’t to control you, but let us see what you’re doing because you’re still very young. As I said, I can’t always know what they’re doing. But when I catch them doing something after I’ve warned them, there’s a consequence, not a punishment. For example, she doesn’t get her tablet right now because the consequence of her actions is that, and she had been warned.” [A2_42]

Two other participants also mentioned how conversations with their children about digitalization positively influenced their control strategies. They explained that they had discussions on themes such as “why ICT is used, how long it should be used, what content should be consumed, what is beneficial or harmful, and why it is beneficial or harmful.” These conversations were observed to improve the sharing and communication dynamics within the family, while also helping to minimize ICT-related problems between parents and children.

“I never really got into those things. But what I did was explain what we should watch and how the algorithm works. Like, if you watch useful things, useful things will come up. But if you start watching nonsense, the nonsense keeps coming up. In our house, we have a rule where everyone has to read 10 pages. There are books I choose, and there are books they choose. Everyone must do some form of exercise in the house. Everyone must also be involved in some kind of music. One plays the guitar, another plays the piano, and another plays something else. Then after that, they study. After all that, they can do whatever they want. There’s very little time left in the day. I don’t remember ever saying, ‘Why are you looking at your phone?’ It never happened. But yes, I’ve said, ‘That’s ridiculous; I can’t believe you’re watching that.’ I’ve talked to them about it and convinced them.” [B13_41]

Some parents expressed that by explaining the potential harm and future negative impacts of certain content on their children's character, they were able to convince their children to avoid such content. They emphasized the importance of clear communication, noting that explaining the reasoning behind decisions both minimized tension and reduced their concerns about their children’s future. Communication based on cause and effect seems to be an effective long-term solution, and another important aspect of this is the awareness of parents as role models.

“I want my children to see me with a Quran or a book in my hands, not a remote control or a phone. I don’t want them to see a father with a remote when they come home. I want to be someone who welcomes them, hugs them, reads with them, and talks with them. That’s the kind of character and hero I want to be. That’s my only goal. And that’s how the problems disappear. The kids are eager to follow what they see me do, thank God.” [B15_50]

Another positive example of how digitalization reduces tension within families is parents using social media to spend quality time with their children and foster better communication. Some participants said they followed certain social media accounts to help engage their children in games and activities.

“I used to follow this person called ‘The Playful Mom.’ She has three kids. I followed her just to learn about the games she played. I’d think, ‘I’ll try that with my son.’ We played games together. I still buy her books, and we read them together with my son.” [A2_42]

4.5. Worried Parents: “Okay Now, But What About the Future?” 

The research revealed that, compared to other challenges faced by parents, the difficulties related to technology use are relatively manageable. Technology appears to offer families the promise of managing and optimizing their children’s futures. However, the complexity of the digital world, its invasion of privacy and boundaries, and its constant state of change prevent this promise from being fulfilled, leaving parents with deep concerns. These concerns extend beyond their children’s current technology use to a future where digitalization becomes a “weapon” threatening their children’s well-being. As a result, while parents may feel they have control over digitalization in the present, they are significantly more anxious about the future. Moreover, all participants described the digital world as “difficult to manage, serious, and deceptive” for both parents and children.

This issue also limits shared content consumption between parents and children, increasing individualization and isolation within the home. More family members retreat to their rooms or sit in the same room, consuming different content on different devices. Consequently, a significant portion of shared time is spent in the digital world, consuming different content with different tools, and reducing the number of shared topics for discussion within the family.

One of the important findings of the research is that social activities, which parents consider as a protective measure against digitalization, turn into a factor that narrows the child’s family time.

“This is a behavior that has developed as a result of exposure. There’s something called behavioral learning. What I want to emphasize here is that, while playing a game, the child more or less knows it’s just a game. However, when the parent watches this content alongside the child, the child starts to normalize it more, as they model the parent. There's implicit approval present—an unspoken approval from the parent...” [A2_42]

One of the important findings of the research is that social activities, which parents consider as a protective measure against digitalization, can unintentionally become a factor that narrows the child’s family time. In other words, social activities aimed to reducing screen time during the day unintentionally reduce time spent together as a family, which becomes a serious handicap in terms of family communication. 

“My younger sibling goes to sports. But it takes a long time. Right after school. So, there’s little time at home. He comes home, showers, eats, and goes to bed. I’m not sure if it’s good or bad.” [C11_25]

“In Istanbul, it’s incredibly difficult to maintain a consistent schedule with social activities. I feel like a chauffeur, constantly driving from one place to another—school to music lessons, then to sports, then to science and technology classes. It’s incredibly hard. I notice the kids are exhausted too. And what happens? Both of us are more tense. How can we communicate healthily in that environment? Routine becomes a problem. It’s exhausting going from place to place during the week. Sometimes I just wish they would stay home.” [A11_53]

Television series and other digital media content have become something people can only “watch alone,” according to one of the important findings of the research. 

Another significant finding is that television series and other digital content have become something that can only be watched alone. Participants noted that content on both TV and digital platforms is not designed for family viewing. Many observed that the content increasingly focuses on sex, violence, behaviors that deviate from traditional norms, and negative portrayals  of family relationships.

“For example, there was a show we were watching. It wasn’t appropriate for his age at all. There were scenes... I would just keep skipping through them with the remote. Once it was over, we could watch. You know, especially with Netflix, it feels like shows must include certain things, or they won’t be accepted. It’s like there’s a written rule: you must have this many minutes of explicit scenes, or we won’t pick up your show. But the rest of the show is great, the storyline is amazing. Yet, they just throw those bits in.” [A1_46]

“Sometimes I think about what we watch, and it’s not good at all. In every situation, parents are portrayed as the scapegoat, the source of all the problems.. There’s so much yelling and arguing. Thank God, my kids are still small, but I worry about what will happen when they grow up. What if they start acting like that? What if they’re that disrespectful? God forbid.” [A5_42]

“Nowadays, more and more shows and programs focus on infidelity, people cheating on their spouses, or leaving each other. Parents are abandoning their children.” [B11_55]

This issue of inappropriate content further limits shared content consumption between parents and children, increasing isolation within the home. More family members retreat to their rooms or sit in the same room, consuming different content on different devices. As a result, much of the shared time is spent in the digital world, and the number of shared topics to discuss within the family is decreasing.

“I don’t really want to watch because these shows disrupt family structure. When they watch, I usually look at my phone or try to keep myself busy with something else. We’re together, but not really.” [B11_53]

Another significant finding of the study is the emergence of a generation of parents and children who are increasingly dissatisfied with their circumstances, homes, and lifestyles. Digital content, especially for children and young people, fosters discontent with their situations, deepening feelings of inadequacy related to their bodies, families, social circles, and society, and increasing a sense of hopelessness about the future. This discontent also appears to weaken intergenerational bonds, further intensifying the “fragility” of children.

“I don’t compare, but my daughters say things sometimes. Especially I., my second daughter, says, ‘Dad, I wish we could live in a mansion by the Bosphorus, look at how nice it is, they have all the cars, all the comforts.’ I think to myself that money and wealth don’t always bring happiness to everyone. Why? Because you might have all the money, but then you have health problems, and you have to deal with those. But I’m afraid that she will be unhappy because she is constantly seeing the best conditions on TV. I see that she’s always comparing. I know it will wear her out because if she’s already thinking like this now, she’ll be even more worn out later.” [M11_53]

Digital content increases the inability to be content with their circumstances, especially in children and young people; it leads to a deepening of the problem of harmony with their body, family, social environment and society, and a sense of hopelessness about the future. This situation also seems to be related to the breakdown of intergenerational ties, deepening the “fragility” of children.

4.6. New Roles in the Family: Losses and Transformations 

In today’s digital age, parents who are digital immigrants often rely on their children—who are more familiar with digital technologies—for help with tasks like navigating social media, communication, and the use of digital tools for work or education. Twenty-six parent participants mentioned that they receive assistance from their children to varying degrees in their digital experiences. The children’s superior digital skills have created a new responsibility within the household, where they take on the role of supporting digital tasks.

“Whenever we have to do a live stream on Instagram, my son would jump in to help. My son, my spouse, and everyone together, because I didn’t know how to use those things. So, yes, they understand it better. I still ask for help, like when I’m using the computer or something goes wrong. These tasks are their job.” [A6_49]

“For example, when I want to buy something online, I immediately call Ö. and tell him to take care of it. Whether it’s entering a credit card number or something else, he knows better. Or sometimes my phone deletes things, and Ö. fixes it because he knows much better.” [A9_51]

An interesting aspect of the digital role distribution within families is that paying for internet and phone bills is primarily the father’s responsibility. Regardless of their employment status, mothers tend to leave this task to the father, and many mothers admit they do not even know the bill amounts.

Interviewed parents view their own parents as “the perpetrators of their children’s digital addiction,” while grandchildren see their grandparents as “the ones who relax the strict disciplinary conditions at home.”

Another striking finding of the study is the rapid transformation of family roles due to the accelerated pace of societal changes brought about by digitalization. This situation has led to a “generational disconnect,” negatively impacting many dynamics within the family, especially communication and interaction. For instance, it was observed that the parents interviewed viewed their own parents as “the ones responsible for their children’s digital addiction,” while the grandchildren saw their grandparents as “the ones who relax the strict disciplinary conditions at home.” One participant, for example, expressed concerns about her daughter’s weight gain and attributed the issue to her daughter's excessive use of social media, particularly YouTube. She mentioned feeling regret about the influence on her daughter’s behavior when left alone with her grandmother, who allowed unsupervised screen time. To mitigate this, the parent explained that she tried to spend more time with her daughter and avoided leaving her alone with her grandmother, saying:

“I believe H.’s (daughter’s) weight gain is related to this. She’s never easily satisfied or happy. I totally blame social media, especially YouTube. I think it has had a significant influence on H., and I feel guilty about it. For example, when I’m not at home, her grandmother is there. How can her grandmother handle her? She just hands her the tablet, and H. watches YouTube. This really bothers me. Her grandmother doesn’t even know what she’s watching. Whenever I’m not at home, I rush back as soon as possible. Or if I have to go somewhere, I prefer to take H. with me. If I’m going to stay at my sister’s or have to go out on the weekend, I make sure to bring H. with me. On weekdays, she gets home an hour and a half before me, and I usually have private lessons two or three times a week. I prefer to plan those lessons for when her father is home, because when he’s there, H. doesn’t spend as much time on the tablet. But if she’s alone with her grandmother, it’s definitely tablet time.” [A15_45]

As this example illustrates, examining digitalization within families from the perspective of generational disconnect is a valuable approach to understanding the ongoing transformations. Indeed, as some participants pointed out, the older generation’s limited engagement with digitalization is seen as a barrier to understanding the "new generation." In a healthy intergenerational relationship, the second generation is expected to serve as a balancing, buffer mechanism between the three generations. However, the increasing prominence of tensions and the feeling of “not being understood” within families is becoming more evident.

For instance, another participant mentioned tensions centered around digitalization, particularly with their grandmother, who lives with them. The participant noted that their grandmother watches too much television, prompting them to spend time in their rooms instead of being together in the evenings. They also expressed discomfort with their grandmother criticizing their lifestyle, particularly their mother’s, after watching the TV series Kızılcık Şerbeti, which portrays the fictional lives of conservative and secular families. The participant felt that this criticism was damaging the love and trust within the family, explaining:

“She’s had these deeply ingrained beliefs from a young age, and it’s difficult for her to change them at this age. For example, she thinks very conservative people are overly strict. She watches things online or that show ‘Kızılcık Şerbeti,’ you know... And the more she watches it, the more her views harden, even though she has examples like us, like my mom, right in front of her. She just won’t change her mind. My grandmother watches TV from morning to night. She doesn’t have much else to do at home, so she just watches TV all day. In our house, the channel is always on TV8. I don’t even know what shows are on in the morning because I’m at school, but when I get home, it’s ‘Yemekteyiz,’ then ‘Survivor,’ then ‘Masterchef,’ and so on. We barely get any time to use the TV ourselves. That’s why I mostly stay in my room with my own computer. Otherwise, there’s tension, the peace disappears, and because of that, the respect and love start to fade.” [C15_18]

When asked, “How has digitalization transformed parental roles?” one participant provided a particularly insightful response. They explained that since it is no longer possible to entirely ban digital tools, the key is “proper and conscious use.” In this context, the role of parents in the digital age is to teach their children how to maintain self-control in their use of digital tools. This approach also involves helping children manage their emotions, control their behavior, and develop into responsible individuals:

“Parents need to be a mechanism for helping maintain self-control. It’s not about banning things. It’s about teaching the child how to regulate their internal discipline. I tell my children, ‘I’m not here as an authoritarian to ban things. I’m here to help guide you,’ and that’s how I explain it to them.” [A2_42]

The role modeling provided by parents, along with the family’s role as the first learning environment, remains a time-honored truth. However, it is clear that this new area of responsibility in the digital age has become a challenging battle for parents. Many participants, as noted earlier, expressed frustration at not being able to provide adequate support and guidance to their children regarding the digital world. One participant echoed a common sentiment when she said, “We can’t discipline our children because we haven’t disciplined ourselves.” [W1_Lawyer].

The concept of generational awareness—understanding the experiences, values, expectations, and preferences that define and differentiate the experiences between generations—can be used to develop communication strategies that bridge these gaps. All the children who participated in the study seemed aware of the transformations brought about by digitalization, viewing them as “normal.” The majority of child participants found the pace of digitalization overwhelming but did not experience the uncertainty that many of their parents did. In fact, children appeared to make more conscious choices in their use of social media and content consumption compared to their parents. This suggests that digital natives (the children) have a greater sense of generational awareness compared to their digital immigrant parents.

“At one point, I let my account get out of control. I accepted everyone, whether I knew them or not, because I didn’t think it mattered since I wasn’t really doing anything. But after a while, I made it private again, though I probably still have unknown followers. I have 437 followers now, and considering my age, having that many followers or having followers I don’t know is normal, in my opinion. I have a social circle, and they have their social circles, so even though we don’t know each other directly, staying connected is normal. The majority of people today are the same... I’d say about 200 of my followers are people I don’t know, like friends of friends who follow me or whom I follow.” [C10_17]

“I don’t understand this world (referring to social media). What’s normal, what’s abnormal? One person says this, another says that... You can’t make decisions based on your values because it’s not a world you know. There are new values, a new order. Does it fit my family? Does it fit my age? Does it fit my job? There’s just so much confusion.” [W7_Educator/Academician]  

4.7. Family Tensions

It has been observed that varying levels of tension arise between family members during or as a result of using digital devices. Both parents and children mentioned that when they ask for help or try to get the attention of a family member who is engaged with a screen, they often receive “negative or no responses.” Some participants noted that the responses they receive are frequently “aggressive, indifferent, or dismissive.” This dynamic emerges as one of the negative impacts of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) usage on family relationships.

For example, one child participant described this situation as follows:

“My mom doesn’t even hear us when she’s on her phone. T. (younger sibling) is the same. You can’t approach them. I don’t get it, like, what’s the big deal? You’re just playing a game on a tablet. Actually, I might be like that too. I’m not aggressive, but maybe my mom would say I’m ignoring them.” [C11_25]

Another participant expressed frustration with their child’s habit of doing chores while watching TV:

“They don’t care (referring to the children). Even if I raise my voice, they don’t respond. The worst part is they’ve started doing their chores in front of the TV. For example, M. folds laundry, but now folding laundry means watching TV. No matter how much I call them, they won’t answer, and when they do, it’s aggressive. I experience this a lot, especially with M.” [A3_47]

OBSERVATION NOTE:
An example of disengagement due to screen time was observed during an interview. Initially hesitant to participate, B4_54 gradually became more comfortable and expressed interest in showing pictures of her daughter, who had successfully defended her PhD thesis three months earlier. However, after picking up her phone to find the photos, she struggled to refocus on the interview. Even after locating the pictures, she remained distracted by her phone, providing shorter and less engaged responses during that period.

A significant source of digital-related tension in families is the physical and psychological problems that arise in children from excessive screen exposure. In this study, issues such as back and neck pain, vision problems, attention deficits, headaches, irritability, aggression, and excessive emotionality were noted. This situation highlights the dual impact of excessive ICT use on both health and family dynamics, causing notable tension. While some parents attributed their children’s health problems to excessive phone use, the children typically denied this connection.

One child participant described a conflict with his father as follows: “This is a frequent argument between my dad and me. Recently, my charger broke and exploded while my phone was charging. The phone was next to my head while I was sleeping. So now my dad is always saying, ‘One day you'll die because of that phone.’ My neck hurts after a long day at work, but according to my dad, the pain is because I keep stretching my neck to reach for the phone.” [C14_19]

Sleep issues were predominantly observed among parents. Many parents reported that they check social media or the news before going to bed to “wind down.” Checking their phones first thing in the morning was also a common reflex shared by most participants.

“I check my phone before going to sleep. Social media kind of helps exhaust the mind and puts you to sleep. Before smartphones, I would toss and turn, unable to sleep, with thoughts gnawing at my mind. I remember that very well. But now, one advantage of social media is that it tires your brain out and helps you fall asleep. I know some people who scroll through cooking recipes until they get tired and fall asleep. I do that too—sometimes I browse real estate listings, other times I check currency rates. It tires me out, and then I can sleep.” [A15_45]

Academic performance and its relation to digital use are other significant areas of tension in family dynamics. Some parents believed that their children’s school performance was negatively impacted by excessive time spent on social media and online gaming, making it harder for their children to stay focused on their studies. However, all the children denied that their digital habits had any negative effect on their academic success. This conflicting perspective between academic achievement and digital usage fuels disagreements between parents and children.

One parent reflected on her child's drop in academic performance as follows: 

“S. was a very successful child. I'm not just saying this because I'm his parent, but because he really has the capability. But when the TV came in, and then he got into gaming, it took him away from his studies. I think without those distractions, he would have achieved even more.”[A2_42]

However, children offered a different view: “Playing games doesn't make my grades worse. Even though my parents hint that it does, my grades are just fine. I can manage it.” [C2_17]

Another source of tension related to ICT use is the content shared on social media. One significant finding in this study was that while parents did not express concerns about the nature of their children’s social media posts, there were tensions between spouses related to both the content shared and the time spent on social platforms. Some child participants also criticized their parents, finding their social media posts “funny” or “pointless,” thus introducing a new form of conflict within the family.

One participant recounted a particularly tense moment regarding her husband’s social media activity: 

“My husband posted a picture of himself dancing the Caucasian dance with another woman. We're married, we have two kids at the time, and my son, who was around 10 years old, saw it and said, ‘Mom, why is Dad posting pictures with another woman?’ I checked, and although the woman’s face wasn’t visible, I still found it inappropriate. I got very angry. I’m usually not a jealous person, but the fact that even my son noticed made me furious.” [A6_49]

Criticisms about the amount of time spent on digital devices were also common. Approximately 20 participants criticized their spouse or children for spending too much time on screens. A noteworthy observation was that children often strongly criticized their parents for spending excessive time on social media platforms.

“My dad has a phone addiction, and it’s gotten to the point where we can’t have a proper conversation wit"...Whenever my dad and I are free and try to have a conversation—actually, I should say whenever we try to have a conversation—we can never really talk, and I genuinely think his phone addiction is almost at a level of illness. We can't communicate with my dad in any way without his phone. He always has it in his hand. At that moment, I don’t even know what he’s doing on the phone. He could be playing a game, or scrolling through Instagram, and I think it's almost at the level of an illness. I don’t think it’s something extremely absurd or problematic, but still…” [C9_24]

OBSERVATION NOTE:
Small-scale tensions related to digitalization sometimes surfaced during interviews. For instance, during an interview with the mother, father, and elder sister, the youngest daughter, T. (9 years old), was sent to the neighbor’s house by her mother. [A11_53] Halfway through the interview, T. and her elder sister rushed back into the room, revealing that T. had been secretly recording the interview using a phone, tablet, and voice recorder hidden in different rooms. When asked why she did this, T. explained that she didn’t trust her family when it came to their discussions about screen usage and wanted to “listen in” on what they were saying about it. This incident occurred in a middle-income family’s home in Sarıyer.

Lastly, the study also found that spouses often criticized each other for their digital habits. One participant shared that her husband’s phone usage had become a source of tension between them: “My husband doesn’t spend much time at home. When he is home, I never pick up my phone. But whenever I mention his phone use, he gets defensive. So, to oppose him, I started using my phone as well.” [A9_51]

4.8. Digital Inequalities

The widespread digitalization in education, while making physical presence relatively less important, has opened the door to new inequalities. Families that manage to maintain self-discipline and emphasize “controlled and healthy communication” under parental supervision seem to distinguish themselves from others. In other words, families that balance their relationship with digitalization also balance their control strategies. On the other hand, in families that feel they cannot resist or discipline themselves in the face of digitalization, control mechanisms fail to achieve the desired results, leading to tensions among family members. A critical factor here is the parents’ digital literacy. Parents who possess the education and skills to increase their awareness of digitalization play a crucial role in reducing the negative impacts on relationships.

On the other hand, there is a noticeable digital divide between households with access to a variety of ICT devices and stable internet connections and those with limited devices and no fixed internet. These disparities are primarily driven by socioeconomic differences. One participant shared that her daughters lost an entire year of education during the pandemic because they lacked fixed internet and devices:

“Our landlord gave us their Wi-Fi password for a month. But then she said her bill was too high, claimed her phone wasn’t getting good reception, and unplugged it. After that, we couldn’t connect. All the kids fell behind. My eldest daughter had to repeat a year in high school, but the younger ones in elementary were passed because the teachers pushed them through. Thank God for the teachers. But my eldest stayed behind.” [A16_36]

Another participant pointed out that strict parental and school controls create inequalities among students. She emphasized that as digitalization in education becomes more widespread, assignments and exams designed solely around digital access become tools for measuring success. However, she noted that the restrictions imposed by her parents made her study process difficult rather than helping her succeed, as she described:

“And I think, you know, if everyone at school is working under these conditions… like I’m studying for an exam, but I can only study until 11 p.m. because my computer is taken away. But someone else studying at home might stay up all night memorizing the entire topic, and I think there’s an injustice there because we’re taking the same exam, but their access time is different from mine.” [C10_17]

The study found that the use of digital devices varies according to socioeconomic status and the age of family members. For example, parents tend to use the television, teenagers use smartphones, and younger children use tablets. Another key finding is that in households with lower socioeconomic status, watching television is more prevalent, and the content is mostly watched “as a family.”

In wealthier households, it is common to have multiple televisions, often placed in various rooms such as living rooms, family rooms, kitchens, and bedrooms. While the kitchen TV is typically used by mothers, fathers tend to dominate the living room TV, and children often use the TV in the family room.

“Honestly, they don’t really watch TV. Or if they are going to watch a series, they’ll use their iPads instead. They don’t have a TV dependency. They didn’t grow up spending their childhoods in front of a TV all day.” [A3_47]

4.9. Family: “Safe Harbor Despite Everything”
One of the most notable societal issues in the digital age is the problem of trust. Trust involves feeling safe, believing in others, and forming bonds. The family is generally defined as an area of ontological security. Trusting one another is a fundamental condition for a healthy family. However, current literature reveals that with digitalization, privacy decreases, and concepts like “being accessible” and constantly staying in contact become more prevalent, causing family members to feel increasingly insecure. Ontological insecurity risks extending beyond personal relationships to institutions and the state, fostering a distrustful, conflict-oriented, and destructive worldview, which can lead to negative attitudes toward social order. Individuals must trust not only themselves but also those around them, and internalize this feeling. One of the key issues affecting family relationships and communication dynamics in this study is trust. Across various questions, participants expressed that they continue to view the family as a center of trust and sharing: 

“Sometimes there are certain problems. You can feel alone and want to leave, because with digitalization, it feels like there are so many places to go in the world. But deep down, you know that everything on Instagram and the rest is a lie. There's nothing beyond family. Even if you don’t always get along, you can't lean on anyone else when your family is around.” [C7_21]

“I trust my kids completely. Honestly, this is the greatest blessing for a father. My youngest daughter is studying in Kocaeli, my other daughter and two sons are with me. I’ve never seen them make any serious mistakes. They’re respectful and well-behaved. We have our disagreements, but that’s normal. It means they trust us, too, and understand. In these times, if you don’t trust each other, you can’t have a family—how could you? That’s why I've never picked up my wife or kids’ phones. They can do whatever they want, because I also know what they wouldn’t do.” [B14_53]

It has been observed that strengthening communication channels and fostering transparency within families are key to eliminating doubts and mistrust. Another factor that erodes trust within families is the spread of misinformation. Trust is essential not only for the family but also for society. When societal truths are distorted, and false information is presented as fact, it becomes a challenging environment for all members of society.

4.10. Digital Rights and Responsibilities: “I Don’t Know!”

Some participants mentioned that they or their acquaintances had faced “bullying and pressure” in the digital realm. However, they admitted that they had no clear idea of how to address these issues or which complaint mechanisms to use: “Honestly, I don’t know where I would go in such a situation. Maybe the school? Yes, yes, I’d probably tell the teachers.” [B16_43]

“I have no idea. Hopefully, it doesn’t happen, but I guess I’d tell the guidance counselor. But if it wasn't someone from school, I really don’t know what I’d do.” [B5_48]

For parents lacking sufficient knowledge about their digital rights and responsibilities, this issue has become a major source of anxiety. Similarly, children are also unsure of what to do when facing online bullying, and they often say they wouldn’t share the issue with their families to avoid worrying them. This adds another layer of strain to family relationships: 

“I honestly don’t know. But such things definitely need to be reported and action taken. The first thing that comes to mind is the school, but if it were something bigger, maybe the police.” [A12_49]

4.11. Can Digitalization be an Opportunity?

Information and communication technologies still do not fully replace the need for face-to-face socialization, making them a potential opportunity. With the pandemic, children who were “glued to screens” sought not only the benefits of learning, acquiring information, connecting with others, and socializing through digitalization but also longed to go to school, meet friends in person, “hang out” with their families, and participate in life directly. In other words, as digital opportunities increase, so does the real need for “being there.” This suggests that “controlled exposure” to digitalization can be seen as an important potential opportunity.

Another finding that highlights digitalization as an opportunity is the hope that the appropriate use of artificial intelligence and digital tools can enhance family interactions. Some participants emphasized that these tools have the potential to broaden individuals' perspectives and improve life skills, stressing the importance of utilizing them correctly:

“I believe that technology and artificial intelligence, when used correctly, are serious tools that can broaden a person’s vision. Although much of the current content is nonsensical to many people, I am on the side of thinking that if positioned correctly, these tools can significantly benefit people’s work.” [B13_41]

“The other day in class, I talked about these AI programs, these websites, etc., and it really caught their attention. So, I said, since young people are using these tools, why don’t we teach them how to use them properly? That way, it would benefit all of us, and there wouldn’t be arguments at home. You know, our professor showed us how to use these tools properly in grad school, so why are students left to figure it out on their own here? I think schools, high schools, need to teach effective use methods. For example, I mentioned Snapchat before—there needs to be work done around these platforms. Guidance departments need to inform parents about what to avoid. I shouldn’t be the one gathering my neighbors to show them; the guidance departments should be doing this.” [A2_42]

Another finding worth considering in the context of digitalization’s opportunities is how some participants use digital messaging to communicate when face-to-face conversations or open communication aren’t possible. Participants indicated that using social media to convey their “disappointments” through subtle messages, which they might not say directly, helped improve relationships:

“In fact, we need to look at digitalization in a certain way. For example, sometimes my child expresses our problems with kind words, proverbs, or psychological sub-messages on their social media. I understand their issues and disappointments without them saying anything directly to me. There have been many recent examples of this, and I really like it.” [W8_Children’s Literature Author]

Some participants, especially parents, noted that they follow social media accounts for parenting advice and guidance, often from psychologists, psychiatrists, family counselors, and personal development experts.

“There are many great accounts out there. While I don’t follow anyone specifically for being a good parent, I believe that my personal development is important for being a good parent to my children. That’s why I follow certain people. I think this is one of the good sides of social media.” [A13_36]

Another finding that can be considered within the scope of digitalization’s opportunities is that some participants mentioned using messages as a communication method when face-to-face or open dialogue is not possible. In this context, participants noted that family members subtly conveying their “resentments,” which they cannot express directly, has helped to improve their relationships.

CONCLUSION:EVALUATION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The purpose of this report is to understand the effects of digitalization on family relationships and the transformation of family structures, as well as to develop recommendations for public policies addressing these issues. The report examines the changes experienced by families due to the growing impact of digitalization and the problems these changes cause. In this context, its aim is to propose policy and practice recommendations to improve the quality of family communication and encourage conscious digital use among family members. Additionally, the report seeks to highlight the need for multidimensional, comprehensive research that conducts in-depth analyses to understand the effects of family transformations on socialization processes and to manage these effects.

This study, which is planned to be repeated every two years to gain insights into how information and communication technologies (ICT) are reflected in family relationships and to transform this awareness into actionable knowledge, seeks to understand the family’s experiences in this transformation process through in-depth interviews. Following the field research, a focus group meeting was held with relevant experts. During the meeting, the ICT use and digitalization experiences of family members were discussed in detail within the context of their personal and professional experiences. The presence of experts from different professional backgrounds allowed for a holistic evaluation of the issue and emphasized its importance. A subsequent workshop with a different group of experts shared the preliminary findings of the field research with participants. These preliminary findings explored the transformation of the family within the context of digitalization, and various recommendations were presented.

One of the most striking findings of our research is the existence of a family structure that, despite the challenges posed by digitalization, continues to preserve itself. On one hand, the family is becoming a site of struggle with new roles, responsibilities, and tensions, while on the other hand, the awareness of “the importance of being together” among family members remains strong. However, these new struggles are having a serious negative impact on intra-family relationships and are damaging intergenerational communication. As a result, parents have developed increasing concerns about the future—the time they feel they cannot control—and are adopting various control strategies. These strategies, however, often develop without the insights, experiences, or advice of the older generation and tend to be short-term solutions that intensify tensions. The primary reason for this is parents' lack of knowledge, skills, and awareness regarding ICT tools.

For families, digitalization primarily represents a significant social transformation. Additionally, it has been observed that there are issues regarding social trust within the family, with a perception that the shrinking “safe space” is increasingly confined to the family sphere. The increase in content consumed via digital tools—particularly content “based on real events” and the prevalence of dubious news, or disinformation—plays a major role in the decline of social trust. This situation leads families to be “at home but immersed in the digital world,” even outside of their work, school routines, and individual social activities.

While families generally see digitalization as inevitable, they describe the process with a sense of unease, where they feel they are "trying to control the present but cannot predict the future." In a way, parents have surrendered to digitalization, despite their anxieties about “what it might do,” and have become “active/strict/online followers” of the digital world. As a result, parents struggle to maintain consistency between their perceptions of and attitudes toward digitalization.

In households with lower socioeconomic status, television viewing rates are high, and this activity often takes place as a family. However, digitalization increasingly dominates the time spent together, particularly through television, which many participants noted is difficult for parents to regulate in terms of content. In these households, parental control tends to be focused on limiting time spent on digital devices rather than monitoring content. It was observed that as socioeconomic income and parental education levels decrease, both parents' and children's digital skills and literacy decline. This decline in digital literacy is linked to both a lack of educational focus on the content being consumed and insufficient access to digital devices. As digital skills and literacy decrease, awareness of the risks associated with digitalization also diminishes, making digitalization more “problematic” as socioeconomic status declines. This participant group also faces new inequalities with the spread of digitalization in education, encountering the negative consequences of lacking fixed internet, digital devices, and digital skills.

Participants from families that adhere to more traditional norms, however, expressed fewer concerns about digitalization. In these families, discussions with children tend to focus more on “values passed down through generations” than on digitalization itself. These families also tend to share less content on social media platforms. The interviews revealed that such families experience fewer digital-related tensions and express stronger references to trust in family and social relationships.

In this context, it is essential to educate parents about digitalization. This will enable them to use digital tools and platforms more effectively and to develop appropriate control strategies for their children's digital usage. Only by doing so will families be able to turn access to information to their advantage. However, this cannot be achieved in isolation from the broader family dynamic, including parents and siblings. Therefore, it is crucial to design training programs that involve all family members and to develop methods that ensure consistency and continuity in these programs. Protecting family values presents an opportunity for families to establish norms that safeguard against the threats and challenges posed by digitalization. The findings presented under the themes of challenges, risks, and opportunities should be interpreted as insights into the family's efforts to preserve its existing structure and values in the face of digital transformation.

Suggestions
In this part of the study, which investigates the impact of information and communication technologies on family relationships, recommendations for policy makers are presented. The issue under investigation is an area that requires collective wisdom and management rather than individual solutions and can be tackled with a common attitude. The recommendations prepared in the light of the findings of the research offer solution possibilities that can be realized with the support of policy makers. Because some issues and problems related to digitalization are beyond the family. Therefore, families, the public sector, the private sector, non-governmental organizations, universities, local governments and policy makers have different responsibilities.

The issue under investigation is an area that requires collective wisdom and management rather than individual solutions and can be tackled with a common attitude. The recommendations prepared in the light of the findings of the research offer solution possibilities that can be realized with the support of policy makers. Because some issues and problems related to digitalization are beyond the family. Therefore, families, the public sector, the private sector, non-governmental organizations, universities, local governments and policy makers have different responsibilities.

In general terms, the intensity of digitalization experiences is not an issue that can be solved only through restrictions. Trying to solve the issue through restrictions will not provide a qualified solution to the problems. Because being in the digital environment and using digital tools is not a choice, but a necessity in the functioning of life. However, the way of using digital tools is a common problem for both parents and children. As a result of the interviews, it was observed that parents and children criticized each other for using digital tools. In this context, the recommendations of the research were formed as recommendations for parents, recommendations for institutions and organizations and recommendations for individuals. 

The interviews revealed that parents and children criticized each other for using digital tools.

Recommendations For Parents 

Digital Awareness
The self-control strategies that adults apply when using digital tools will significantly influence their children’s relationship with digitalization. Key factors such as the duration of use, the time of day digital tools are used, the type of content consumed, and the purpose and motivation behind usage are all critical elements. Parents, who hold the responsibility of shaping their children’s relationship with digital tools, should develop awareness of control strategies that take these factors into account.

Developing Role Model Awareness
Since parents serve as “role models” for their children, their digital habits inevitably set an example. It is crucial for parents to understand that their children often learn through observation and parental modeling. If parents lack self-control in their own digital usage, the limitations they set for their children will likely be ineffective. Therefore, parents must first regulate their own digital habits, ensuring they are efficient, effective, and controlled, before expecting the same from their children.

Content Restriction and Duration Control

The strategies parents use to control their children’s digital tools play a crucial role in ensuring a healthy digitalization process while also strengthening family relationships and communication. In this regard, monitoring the content children consume and regulating the amount of time spent on digital devices is part of parents’ responsibilities. Raising parents’ awareness about these strategies and creating regular programs for children on appropriate digital tool use is essential. Implementing time limits on digital devices and platforms, with automatic locks once the limit is reached, can further ensure controlled use. Such features can help bring technology use within the family into a more manageable and structured form.

Creating Alternative Options / Increasing Social Activity Opportunities

Banning digital devices is neither an effective nor a proactive solution—it often results in family tension. Instead, the key strategy is to use digital content efficiently while providing alternative activities to draw all family members away from their devices. One important finding from the interviews revealed that children who engage in sports and social activities demonstrate better self-control in their use of digital tools. Therefore, reducing ICT use, particularly during evenings and weekends when families are home together, and increasing opportunities for shared activities can promote better family dynamics.

Strengthening Communication within the Family

Family communication is being reshaped by digital tools. Watching TV shows and movies on television or digital platforms has become a primary activity that families engage in together, which can sometimes lead to reduced communication between family members. At this point, essential aspects like communication, trust, and conversation can take a backseat. It is crucial for parents to foster communication with their children outside of digital environments and actively create more opportunities for spending quality time together.

Recommendations for Institutions, Organizations and Individuals

Digital Literacy

Digital literacy training is essential for the efficient use of digital tools and accessing reliable information. Given that both parents and children share responsibilities in guiding and role modeling within digital environments, it is critical for all family members to develop digital skills. Digital literacy training programs should be widely accessible, with efforts made to ensure these programs are available to families across various socioeconomic levels, considering both financial and moral support systems.

Parent Education Programs

Educational programs for parents are vital to help them become effective protectors, promoting positive norms and behaviors that safeguard children in the digital age. Such awareness-raising initiatives should aim to keep parents informed about the risks and widening digital divides emerging from the digitalization process, equipping them with vigilance and proactive approaches. Parent education programs could include the following subtopics:

• Internet Security: Strategies for strong passwords, secure connection software, and antivirus applications.
• Social Media Use: Privacy settings, social media ethics, time management, and dimensions of privacy.
• Online Behavior: Encouraging respectful and responsible internet use.
• Use of Digital Devices: Managing screen time, selecting family-friendly apps, and adjusting device settings and controls.
• Digital Citizenship: Understanding digital footprints and the importance of information verification.
• Online Ethics: Raising awareness of and addressing cyberbullying, copyright issues, and the critical evaluation of online content.
• Digital Control: Setting guidelines for age-appropriate content, managing device usage times and intervals, and utilizing educational programs.

Developing Policies to Reduce the Digital Divide

In an era where technology plays a central role, lack of access to digital tools is a significant disadvantage. Many families face challenges such as the absence of fixed internet, limited or difficult internet access, and a lack of digital devices, which contribute to severe inequalities. Children from low-income families are particularly disadvantaged in education due to their limited access to digital resources. Therefore, policies must be developed to address and reduce these inequalities, ensuring more equitable access to digital tools and resources for all families.

Limitations to Digitalization in Education

The effectiveness of digital tools in education is subject to ongoing debate. While smart boards, tablets, and video lectures provide certain advantages, they can also contribute to concentration issues among students. During the workshop presenting the preliminary findings of this study, it was suggested that primary school students should minimize their use of digital tools. Teachers emphasized that encouraging students to use traditional tools, such as paper and pencil, and to rely on books as sources of information, could help counteract the focus issues associated with digital learning. This approach shifts the emphasis from “speed,” often associated with digital tools, to “perseverance,” fostering deeper engagement. There is a clear need for policies aimed at raising awareness among families and teachers regarding this issue.

Encouraging the Productive Use of Technology

The primary objective is to ensure that technology is used productively. Parents should play an active role in encouraging their children to use digital tools for personal development, enhancing learning processes, and accelerating research. While it is important for parents to guide their children in the beneficial use of technology, schools should also teach strategies to foster productive use. Teachers, therefore, need to be trained in effectively integrating digital tools into the learning environment to maximize their positive impact.

Accessible Social Activities

There is a need to expand social activities that are easily accessible to individuals across all socioeconomic levels. These activities should be designed to encourage family participation and foster togetherness. With the support of local governments and non-governmental organizations, more recreational spaces should be developed to provide diverse opportunities for social engagement, particularly for families.

Activities for Children to Express Their Feelings and Thoughts

It is essential for children to correctly identify and differentiate between emotion, instinct, and reasoning. In the digital age, children’s ability to articulate their feelings and thoughts may be diminished. To support children in defining their emotions and expressing their thoughts clearly, child psychodrama can be a helpful tool. This method allows children to explore and explain their thoughts using concepts in a creative and therapeutic way. Ensuring that child psychodrama is an accessible service is critical for fostering emotional expression and mental well-being.

Establishing a Suggestion and Complaint Mechanism

A dedicated complaint mechanism should be developed to address digital threats faced by children under the age of 18, particularly cyberbullying and online security risks. To provide fast and effective solutions, this mechanism should enable family members to directly report concerning incidents. Encouraging families to utilize this resource is essential for preventing harm and ensuring that digital challenges are addressed in a timely manner.

Increasing the Number and Capacity of NGOs Active on Family Issues

It is important to expand the number and capacity of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that focus on strengthening family communication and interaction. NGOs can play a key role in social responsibility and advocacy efforts aimed at improving family dynamics in the digital era. Support should be directed toward creating new NGOs focused on these issues or enhancing the capabilities of existing ones to address growing challenges faced by families.

Establishing a Multi-Solution Management Mechanism for Digital Problems

A planned, strategic, and evidence-based governance mechanism is needed to tackle digital issues in a comprehensive and coordinated manner. This mechanism should involve multiple stakeholders, including parents, communities, universities, local governments, the private sector, and civil society. By engaging all relevant actors in collective action, it will be possible to create sustainable solutions that address the diverse challenges posed by digitalization. The participation of experts and organizations from different sectors is vital to ensure effective decision-making and the implementation of robust solutions.

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^{Yu, C. (2022). “Chinese Apps Gain Popularity Globally”. China Daily.  https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202209/22/WS632b3b2ba310fd2b29e79043.html} 

^{Yükselbaba, Ü. (2011). Kamusal Alan Modelleri ve Bu Modellerin Bağlamları. Journal of Istanbul University Law Faculty, 66(2), 227-271. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuhfm/issue/9184/115001}

^{ABOUT THE AUTHORS}

^{Hatice Ferhan ODABAŞI
Hatice Ferhan Odabaşı was born in 1957 in Kayseri, Türkiye. She completed her primary and secondary education at TED Kayseri College and graduated from Hacettepe University’s Department of English Linguistics in 1980. In 1989, she obtained a master's degree in English Language Education from Anadolu University and completed her Ph.D. in Educational Technology in 1994. She currently serves as a faculty member at Anadolu University, in the Department of Computer Education and Instructional Technologies. Prof. Dr. Odabaşı's research interests include technology and social transformations, the internet, children and families, the use of technology in special education, and the professional development of higher education educators. She has published numerous articles, conference papers, books, and book chapters in national and international journals. Additionally, she has been involved in several projects as a project manager, researcher, and consultant.}

^{Nursen TEKGÖZ
Nursen Tekgöz completed her undergraduate education in the Department of Sociology at Istanbul University, with a minor in Law. She graduated from the Sociology Department's Migration Studies Master’s Program with her thesis titled "The Reflections of the Syrian-Origin Migration Process on Civil Society in Türkiye." Since 2021, she has been pursuing her Ph.D. in the same department. Tekgöz has authored books, book chapters, articles, reports, and conference papers on topics such as urbanization, migration, volunteerism, and civil society, both nationally and internationally. Since 2014, she has worked as a field researcher in various projects conducted by TÜBİTAK, TÜBA, universities, public institutions, and private organizations. Between 2017 and 2021, she served as the coordinator of the Istanbul University Volunteer Academy. Currently, she works as a researcher at Institute Social’s Society Studies Coordination Department.}

^{Rumeysa HAFIZOĞLU
Rumeysa Hafızoğlu, after completing her undergraduate studies at Istanbul University Faculty of Theology, completed her master’s degree in tafsir at the same university on “Dating of Qur’anic verses in British orientalism”. She continued her studies at the University of Jordan and Tripoli University in Lebanon. Hafızoğlu is currently a PhD candidate in Sociology of Religion at Marmara University. Her research interests cover a wide range of topics such as religion and gender, Muslim women, youth and religion, dynamics of social change and the ongoing debates around religion and secularization. She has presented papers titled “Comparison of interpretations of Qur’anic verses in the context of universal-historical dichotomy”, “Qur’an and Gender” and “The Construction of Muslim Women Discourse on YouTube” in workshops and symposiums. Hafızoğlu is actively involved in social projects outside the academy and regularly publishes on topics of intellectual interest.She works as a researcher at Institute Social’s Society Studies Coordination Department.}

^{Selçuk AYDIN
Selçuk Aydın graduated from the Department of International Relations at Ankara University, and he completed his master’s degree in political economy of the Middle East and PhD in the Defence Studies Department, School of Security Studies at King’s College London. He worked as a senior researcher at the TRT World Research Center, played a role in the establishment of TRT World Forum and TRT Broadcasting Strategy Center, and participated as a manager in various projects at TRT. He has published articles, book chapters, and opinions on Türkiye’s history, social movements, diaspora, Kurdish and Middle East studies, world order, and politics. He is currently an assistant professor at Boğaziçi University and leads the Social Studies Coordination Department at Institute Social.}

^{ANNEX 1: TRANSFORMATION OF THE FAMILY IN THE DIGITAL AGE: A FIELD RESEARCHER’S PRACTICAL GUIDE ON NEW GENERATIONAL CONNECTIONS AND DYNAMICS}

^{This guide has been prepared to assist researchers conducting qualitative fieldwork for the project titled "The Transformation of Family in the Digital Age: New Generational Connections and Dynamics," led by Institute Social. It is essential that researchers read this directive prior to fieldwork and keep it in mind throughout the data collection process. Field researchers are expected to have this guide with them, either digitally or in print, during the fieldwork.}

^{Fieldwork Instructions}

1. ^{Introduce Yourself and the Research:
   Begin by introducing yourself and explaining the research project. Inform the participants that the project is conducted by Institute Social, is a scientific research initiative, and that it is planned to evolve into a longitudinal study.}
2. ^{Privacy and Ethical Considerations:
   Assure participants that their personal data will be used anonymously in accordance with scientific research ethics and that their information will never be shared with third parties.}
3. ^{Survey Administration:
   Administer the survey questions personally. Do not share the survey form beforehand and do not leave participants alone with the form.}
4. ^{Completion Check:
   Once the interview is over, ensure that all questions have been answered thoroughly.}

^{ANNEX 2: INFORMED CONSENT FORM FOR THE STUDY ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF FAMILY IN THE DIGITAL AGE: NEW GENERATIONAL CONNECTIONS AND DYNAMICS}

^{We invite you to participate in the project titled “The Transformation of Family in the Digital Age: New Generational Connections and Dynamics,” conducted by Institute Social. The aim of this project is to contribute to efforts that will empower families in the face of digitalization and to help develop policies that strengthen conscious protective behavior between parents and their children.}

^{For the interview we plan to conduct as part of this project, we ask that you kindly allocate approximately 1 hour of your time. In addition to your participation, the study will involve around 59 other participants. Participation in this study is entirely voluntary. To help us achieve the study's objectives, we kindly request that you answer honestly, without any external pressure or influence, and in a way that feels most appropriate to you. By reading and approving this form, you indicate your consent to participate in the research. However, you are free to withdraw from the study at any point if you decide to stop participating.}

^{The interview recordings will be kept under the protection of Institute Social. These recordings will be stored electronically and destroyed after 5 years (in 2029). The responses to the interview forms and your personal data will not be shared with third parties and will be used anonymously. The information obtained from this study will be used solely for research purposes, and your personal information will remain confidential, though the data may be used for publication purposes. Your contact details may be transferred to a "shared participant pool" only with your permission so that other researchers may contact you.}

^{If you require further information now or in the future beyond what has been provided about the research objectives, you may ask the researcher now or contact [email protected] or call 0216 422 00 22 (Ext: 2301). If you would like the general or specific results of the study to be shared with you upon its completion, please inform the researcher.}

^{I have read the above information, which was provided to me prior to the study, and I understand the scope and purpose of the research, as well as my voluntary responsibilities. A written and verbal explanation of the study was given to me by the researcher(s) named below. The potential risks and benefits of the study were also verbally explained to me, and I was sufficiently assured that my personal information will be protected with care.}

^{Under these conditions, I voluntarily agree to participate in this research, without any pressure or coercion.}

^{Participant’s
Name-Surname:
Signature:
Contact Information
Email: ___________________ Phone: ___________________}

^{I consent to my contact information being transferred to the “shared research pool” so that other researchers can contact me (please mark the appropriate option):}

^{[ ] I Accept
[ ] I Do Not Accept}

^{For Those Under Guardianship or Custody
Guardian’s or Custodian’s
Name-Surname:
Signature:}

^{Researcher’s
Name-Surname:
Signature:}

^{ANNEX 3: Researcher Observation Form
(Answer based on your impressions immediately after the interview.)}

• ^{Pay attention to their attitude and interest from the moment they welcome you until the moment they bid you farewell.}
• ^{Observe the socioeconomic level of the household based on the materials inside the house.}
• ^{Observe the brands of technological devices.}
• ^{Take note of whether or not there is a library in the house.}
• ^{Pay attention to the refreshments they offer.}
• ^{Share any elements of the house that stand out or catch your attention. (from the smell of the house to the atmosphere it conveys to you)}
• ^{Share your impressions of the communication among family members.}
• ^{Pay attention to how family members address each other.}
• ^{Observe the frequency of digital device usage while you are at the house and during the interview.}
• ^{Was the interviewee focused on the presentation during the interview? Were they paying attention? Observe this.}
• ^{Observe how they communicate with you.}